Alixandra B Yanus
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 305685 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Alixandra B Yanus |
| PRENOMES | Alixandra B |
| SOBRENOME | Yanus |
| ASSINATURA | YANUS A B |
| AFILIAÇÕES | High Point University |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-0772-7830 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 49 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 134 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 49 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2007 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 6 |
Nativism and Fraternalism
Scholars who have studied the second Ku Klux Klan focus primarily on its rapid rise and decline, paying little heed to its connections with other nativist fraternal orders. Specifically, scholars have not focused their attention on the Klan's potential effect on the nation's second largest nativist organization at the time, the Junior Order United American Mechanics (JOUAM). In this study, we use data compiled from JOUAM annual records and Klan m…
Strategic Candidates and Sacrificial Lambs
Which electorates suit which women candidates for higher office? This question becomes increasingly important as greater numbers of women run for office in American elections. Consistent with previous research, we posit that women candidates will win a greater percentage of the vote share in so-called women-friendly electorates. However, we suggest that these contextual effects will vary based on the interaction between candidate partisanship and…
Satisfaction with democracy after presidential power transitions
Much of the existing research on satisfaction with democracy examines cross-national dynamics of the winner-loser gap, exploring how institutional differences shape public opinion. In contrast, this study holds institutional factors constant and investigates how individual-level and system-level changes, i.e. actual transitions in political power following elections, affect people’s appraisals of democracy. In a panel survey that immediately prec…
From Bookworm to Browser
This study examines how patterns of referencing in political science research have changed during the past three decades. By analyzing references in leading political science journals from 1990 to 2024, we reveal a notable shift: a decline in book references (52% to 28%) and a corresponding increase in journal article references (40% to 65%). These findings have important implications for students, the discipline, research libraries, and academia…
Increasing Public Support for Transgender Rights through Superordinate LGBT+ Rights Framing
We consider how LGBT+ legal rights frameworks, broadly construed, can be used to bolster support within the general public for transgender subgroup rights. Our research is informed by theoretical perspectives on appeals to superordinate identities to reduce prejudice. Based on a survey experiment in the United States, we find that framing a salient transgender advocacy issue—transgender participation in sports—within a broader LGBT+ legal rights …
Religious Diversity in the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Iowa in 1915
Introduction The Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) sought to unite late 19th‐ and early 20th‐century women behind an agenda of prohibition, moral reform, and women's rights. But scholars have rarely studied the denominational diversity of this “Christian” organization. Method We match directory listings of state, district, county, and local WCTU of Iowa leaders with a measure of church affiliation collected from the 1915 Iowa State Census…
Mobilizing Women to Vote? The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union and School Voting in Massachusetts, 1900–1909
Organizing Black Business
Founded by Booker T. Washington in 1900, the National Negro Business League (NNBL) sought to unite Black business owners, promote entrepreneurship, and develop economic power. Despite its prominence in the early twentieth century, the group declined after Washington's death in 1915. As a result, little is known about its organizational development. This study uses data on state and local Negro Business Leagues (NBLs), along with active and life m…
A social network analysis of early twentieth-century elite Black male civil society
This study provides new empirical evidence on the relationships between early twentieth-century Black voluntary membership associations. Specifically, we utilize data on elite Black men's fraternal, professional, intellectual, and reform association memberships derived from the first Who's Who publication for Black citizens to consider how these individuals' organizational memberships may have helped to foster Black civil society, creating networ…
The rise of lobbying and interest groups in the states during the Progressive Era
The postbellum rise of voluntary, federated associations set the stage for modern pressure politics in the American states, yet the connection between associations and lobbying in this era is grossly understudied. Relying on associations' own records and a new dataset of state lobbyists, we explore this relationship more deeply, documenting how federated associations gained membership, created political agendas, and lobbied state legislators for …
Explaining Partisan Gaps in Satisfaction with Democracy after Contentious Elections
What effects do contentious elections have on partisan appraisals of democracy? We consider the case of the November 2020 US election, a highly polarized partisan contest but also an objectively free and fair election by credible accounting. We conducted a panel study embedded within two nationally representative surveys before and after the election. Results indicate a familiar but underexamined partisan gap, in which satisfaction with democracy…
The Southern Farmers’ Alliance, Populists, and lynching
The lynching literature often considers how the Populist Party affected lynching, yet the Southern Farmers’ Alliance—a short-lived but influential voluntary association that mobilized large numbers of white farmers—is overlooked. We argue that this is a critical oversight, as the Alliance was the origin of populism in the South. Specifically, we hypothesize that where the Alliance had more local organizations, the greater the likelihood of lynchi…
Managing membership
Do pandemics spawn extremism
Scholars and journalists connect pandemics to a rise in support for radical political movements. In this study, we draw on this insight to investigate the relationship between the 1918-1919 Spanish influenza pandemic and political extremism-here, the rise of the second Ku Klux Klan-in the United States. Specifically, we ask whether U.S. states and cities with higher death rates from the Spanish flu also had stronger Ku Klux Klan organizations in …
Our One Great Hope”
The Grand Army of the Republic (GAR) played a critical role in the lives of many Union veterans after the Civil War. Its efforts were supported by its women’s auxiliary, the Woman’s Relief Corps (WRC). Yet scholars do not know much about the evolution of the relationship between the rising WRC and the slowly declining GAR, whose members were dying away in the early 20th century. Here, we evaluate state-level membership and local group data for bo…
Shaping the rise of brotherhood
Objective This study seeks to investigate how social, political, and economic factors shaped demand for membership in three major federated fraternal orders in the United States during the late 19th and early 20th centuries: the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, the Knights of Pythias, and the Improved Order of Red Men. Methods Error‐correction, time‐series‐cross‐sectional models are estimated using state‐level data, with the first differences in…
An “urban voluntary association” in the rural South? Urbanity, race, and the United Daughters of the Confederacy, 1910–1930
Historians describe the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) as an urban movement, but the reasons for its urban focus have not been adequately explored. This is intriguing because the UDC was most vibrant during the first three decades of the twentieth century, when white and black citizens alike were leaving rural southern communities for urban centers – and as white politicians increasingly enforced Jim Crow restrictions. In this study, w…
Density dependence in economic sectors in the Progressive Era
Religion, Gender, and Representation in American Politics
Several recent analyses have examined the effects of religious beliefs, belonging, and behaviors on the representation of women in American politics. Taken collectively, these studies present an interesting puzzle. Specifically, they demonstrate that religious adherents express attitudes that are less supportive of women in positions of political leadership and that at every stage of the process, from primary candidacy to general-election victory…
Membership, Mobilization, and Policy Adoption in the Gilded Age
Relatively little is known about how late nineteenth-century associations worked to get their policy goals adopted by state governments. We study this question here, considering the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and three policies it supported: scientific temperance instruction, increasing the age of consent, and prohibiting tobacco sales to minors. Overall, WCTU-supported legislation was more likely to succeed in states with unified …
Monuments as Mobilization? The United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Memorialization of the Lost Cause
Objective The United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) played an important role in constructing monuments commemorating the Civil War. Memorialization of the “Lost Cause” and preserving southern heritage are often cited as reasons for monument construction. Here, we study whether these monuments were also used as tools to mobilize potential members. Method We use data on Confederate monuments and UDC membership to empirically test if monument co…
Evaluating federated voluntary associations’ membership data
Objective Large, federated voluntary associations of the late 19th and early 20th centuries produced detailed reports of national meetings that included comprehensive data on state‐level membership. Though used in previous scholarship, the veracity of these data has never been evaluated. Methods We test 16 associations’ state‐level membership data, generally between 1880 and 1920, using Benford's Law, a mathematical principle used to discern whet…
Gender and Support for Democracy in the United States and Canada
Gender, Entry, and Victory in State Legislative Primary Elections
Extant research on gender, context, and representation in the United States reveals women remain underrepresented as candidates, winners, and throughout political institutions. To better understand the sources of these gender gaps, greater consideration must be given to strategic entry decisions in primary elections. We study this question using aggregate data from state legislative primaries from 2001–2015. We find compelling evidence that women…
Unity in Diversity
Most neopluralist studies consider how interest groups form in robust organizational environments, not during developmental periods such as the Progressive Era. In this article, we argue that neopluralist approaches, specifically the energy-stability-area (ESA) model, can provide insights on group formation in these contexts. Using the case of the General Federation of Women's Clubs (GFWC), we illustrate how one federated, voluntary association w…
Why Did Women Vote for Donald Trump
Popular accounts of the 2016 presidential election attribute Donald Trump’s victory to the mobilization of angry white men seeking to restore traditional values and social roles. Whereas a majority of Trump voters were male, more than 40% of women who went to the polls on Election Day also supported him. This analysis explores the motivations of these women, asking how partisanship, demographics, and beliefs motivated their vote choice. We found …
Revisiting the ESA model
Shattering the Marble Ceiling
Objective Palmer and Simon's (2008) “women‐friendly” district index has proven a useful theoretical and empirical construct for researchers studying congressional elections. In one parsimonious measure, the authors capture 12 factors predicting women's election to the House of Representatives. The construct's utility in other political contexts, however, has not yet been tested. Methods We test the women‐friendliness index using a new data set on…
Tribalism in America
Our research speaks to the ongoing debate over the extent and severity of partisan political divisions in American society. We employ behavioral experiments to probe for affective polarization using dictator, trust, and public goods games with party identification treatments. We find that subjects who identify politically with the Democratic or Republican Party and ideologically as liberals and conservatives display stronger affective biases than…
Expanding the energy–stability–area model
From Reconstruction to Reform
The rise of voluntary associations in the late nineteenth century has received significant scholarly attention over the last few decades. Some studies argue that modernization facilitates group formation, but other analyses (e.g., Crowley and Skocpol 2001; Gamm and Putnam 1999) find little support for the argument that modernization caused group formation. Here, we extend this debate to the study of the strength of state-level, voluntary associat…
To Comply or Not to Comply
This article examines the extent to which colleges and universities comply with the proportional opportunity test prescribed during the implementation of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. Using data from the US Department of Education, we consider proportionality in terms of both roster spots and finances for male and female athletes at Division I colleges and universities. We find that the proportionality gap is particularly large fo…
The Impact of Religion on Voting For Female Congressional Candidates
Research shows that areas with high levels of aggregate religiosity are less likely to elect female candidates to national, state, and local offices. These studies, however, do not determine the causal mechanisms underlying this relationship. In the present analysis, we seek to examine what role, if any, religious exposure and tradition play in determining individuals’ general election vote choices in mixed-gender contests. To explore this relati…
Membership, Mobilization, and Policy Adoption in the Gilded Age
Relatively little is known about how late nineteenth-century associations worked to get their policy goals adopted by state governments. We study this question here, considering the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and three policies it supported: scientific temperance instruction, increasing the age of consent, and prohibiting tobacco sales to minors. Overall, WCTU-supported legislation was more likely to succeed in states with unified …
The Southern Question
SOCIAL SCIENTISTS HAVE LONG BEEN FASCINATED with Americans’ propensity to join political organizations. Some accounts have gone so far as to dub the country a “nation of joiners.”1 At no point in American history was this phenomenon more obvious than during the so-called golden age (approximately 1876–1920) of large, federated, voluntary membership associations.2 Yet this picture is oversimplified. Evidence suggests that regional differences were…
Religious Adherence, Women-Friendliness, and Representation in American State Legislatures
National and cross-national studies demonstrate that the probability of women candidates' emergence and success is lower in more religious areas. One recent study of the U.S. House of Representatives even suggests that the effect of religiosity may be so powerful as to render insignificant other contextual factors, including a district's baseline women-friendliness. We argue that this finding is an institutional artifact; in less competitive cont…
Exploring the legend of a “nation of joiners”
The promise of the USA as a “nation of joiners” has long motivated scholars, especially those studying voluntary associations. We reexamine this idea using evidence from three voluntary associations of the 19th century, the Sons of Temperance, the Knights of Labor, and the Grand Army of the Republic. Our analyses reveal that while each organization’s state-level branches were able to recruit new members, participation was often fleeting. Membersh…
Evangelical Protestantism and Bias Against Female Political Leaders
Objective Gender and politics scholars have paid little attention to religion as a source of individual‐level biases against female politicians. We begin to address this gap by modeling the relationship among evangelical Protestantism, partisanship, and the beliefs that males are better issue advocates and political leaders than women. Methods We employ logistic regression models with data from a 2008 survey administered by the Pew Social and Dem…
Increasing Women’s Political Participation
Women have historically participated in political activities such as speaking at public meetings and contributing to candidates at lower rates than men. One explanation for this phenomenon is women’s underrepresentation in political institutions, which compromises their sense of political efficacy. In support of this explanation, as the number of women in government has increased, gender gaps in participation have narrowed in most industrialised …
Monuments as Mobilization? The United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Memorialization of the Lost Cause
Objective The United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) played an important role in constructing monuments commemorating the Civil War. Memorialization of the “Lost Cause” and preserving southern heritage are often cited as reasons for monument construction. Here, we study whether these monuments were also used as tools to mobilize potential members. Method We use data on Confederate monuments and UDC membership to empirically test if monument co…
Uniting the living through the dead
The Connection Between the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and the Prohibition Party
Scholars have long been interested in the complementary relationships forged by membership groups and political parties. The post-bellum period presents an opportunity to consider these connections using a case study of two groups concerned with the ills of alcohol, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and the Prohibition Party. Our analysis of presidential elections from 1876 to 1900 reveals that-although women were disenfranchised at t…
The rise of lobbying and interest groups in the states during the Progressive Era
The postbellum rise of voluntary, federated associations set the stage for modern pressure politics in the American states, yet the connection between associations and lobbying in this era is grossly understudied. Relying on associations' own records and a new dataset of state lobbyists, we explore this relationship more deeply, documenting how federated associations gained membership, created political agendas, and lobbied state legislators for …
An “urban voluntary association” in the rural South? Urbanity, race, and the United Daughters of the Confederacy, 1910–1930
Historians describe the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) as an urban movement, but the reasons for its urban focus have not been adequately explored. This is intriguing because the UDC was most vibrant during the first three decades of the twentieth century, when white and black citizens alike were leaving rural southern communities for urban centers – and as white politicians increasingly enforced Jim Crow restrictions. In this study, w…
Gender, Entry, and Victory in State Legislative Primary Elections
Extant research on gender, context, and representation in the United States reveals women remain underrepresented as candidates, winners, and throughout political institutions. To better understand the sources of these gender gaps, greater consideration must be given to strategic entry decisions in primary elections. We study this question using aggregate data from state legislative primaries from 2001–2015. We find compelling evidence that women…
Learning to “Play the Game as Men Do
Much has been written about efforts to expand women’s social, cultural, and political representation, roles, and opportunities. However, as political scientists, we have done little to document the early history of incorporating women into the discipline. This article illustrates how the General Federation of Women’s Clubs (GFWC) established the study of politics as an acceptable course of baccalaureate study for women: first, by crafting a model…
Do religious voters discriminate against women gubernatorial candidates
Scholars report that areas with higher concentrations of religious voters elect relatively few women to executive office. These studies, however, cannot explain whether the observed patterns are a direct result of religious individuals’ vote choices. Our study explores this question using Cooperative Congressional Election Studies data from all mixed-gender gubernatorial elections in the 2008 through 2016 general election cycles. We conclude that…
Judging Alone
The word I would use to describe my position on the bench is lonely.” So said Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in 2007, when asked to comment on her position on the U.S. Supreme Court after the resignation of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. After a year as the Court's only woman, Ginsburg had begun to feel the solitude that comes from judging alone, being the Court's only descriptive and often symbolic representative of women's interests. Ginsburg's posi…
Increasing Public Support for Transgender Rights through Superordinate LGBT+ Rights Framing
We consider how LGBT+ legal rights frameworks, broadly construed, can be used to bolster support within the general public for transgender subgroup rights. Our research is informed by theoretical perspectives on appeals to superordinate identities to reduce prejudice. Based on a survey experiment in the United States, we find that framing a salient transgender advocacy issue—transgender participation in sports—within a broader LGBT+ legal rights …
Do pandemics spawn extremism
Scholars and journalists connect pandemics to a rise in support for radical political movements. In this study, we draw on this insight to investigate the relationship between the 1918-1919 Spanish influenza pandemic and political extremism-here, the rise of the second Ku Klux Klan-in the United States. Specifically, we ask whether U.S. states and cities with higher death rates from the Spanish flu also had stronger Ku Klux Klan organizations in …
Where Have All of the Pro‐Choice Lawyers Gone? An Analysis of Post‐Roe Reproductive Rights Lawyering
A body of scholarship attests to the importance of experienced litigators before the U.S. Supreme Court. In this article, we specifically consider the role of experienced litigators in the thirty years of reproductive rights litigation that followed Roe v Wade. To that end, we divide the lawyers by their pro‐choice or pro‐life affiliations and ask (1) how often individual lawyers appear before the Court in reproductive rights cases, (2) who the l…
Judging Alone
The word I would use to describe my position on the bench is lonely.” So said Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in 2007, when asked to comment on her position on the U.S. Supreme Court after the resignation of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. After a year as the Court's only woman, Ginsburg had begun to feel the solitude that comes from judging alone, being the Court's only descriptive and often symbolic representative of women's interests. Ginsburg's posi…
Exploring elites’ first political memories
Political elites provide a unique perspective on political socialization. By examining these individuals’ experiences and viewpoints, scholars have an opportunity to evaluate methods to increase political engagement among the mass public. This paper undertakes such an exploration using a 2013 mail survey of Electoral College members, specifically considering responses to an open-ended question about electors’ first political memories, accounting …
The Impact of Religion on Voting For Female Congressional Candidates
Research shows that areas with high levels of aggregate religiosity are less likely to elect female candidates to national, state, and local offices. These studies, however, do not determine the causal mechanisms underlying this relationship. In the present analysis, we seek to examine what role, if any, religious exposure and tradition play in determining individuals’ general election vote choices in mixed-gender contests. To explore this relati…
Shattering the Marble Ceiling
Objective Palmer and Simon's (2008) “women‐friendly” district index has proven a useful theoretical and empirical construct for researchers studying congressional elections. In one parsimonious measure, the authors capture 12 factors predicting women's election to the House of Representatives. The construct's utility in other political contexts, however, has not yet been tested. Methods We test the women‐friendliness index using a new data set on…
Gendered Perceptions and Reelection Incentives in the U.S. House of Representatives
Previous research has shown that the public systematically misperceives the ideology of female politicians. We posit that these misperceptions affect the ideal roll call ideology of female incumbents. Specifically, we contend that women receive greater benefits from more ideologically extreme roll call voting than comparable men. We test this theory by using data on the House of Representatives from 1972 to 2008. We find that even after accountin…
To Comply or Not to Comply
This article examines the extent to which colleges and universities comply with the proportional opportunity test prescribed during the implementation of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. Using data from the US Department of Education, we consider proportionality in terms of both roster spots and finances for male and female athletes at Division I colleges and universities. We find that the proportionality gap is particularly large fo…
The Connection Between the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and the Prohibition Party
Scholars have long been interested in the complementary relationships forged by membership groups and political parties. The post-bellum period presents an opportunity to consider these connections using a case study of two groups concerned with the ills of alcohol, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and the Prohibition Party. Our analysis of presidential elections from 1876 to 1900 reveals that-although women were disenfranchised at t…
Do religious voters discriminate against women gubernatorial candidates
Scholars report that areas with higher concentrations of religious voters elect relatively few women to executive office. These studies, however, cannot explain whether the observed patterns are a direct result of religious individuals’ vote choices. Our study explores this question using Cooperative Congressional Election Studies data from all mixed-gender gubernatorial elections in the 2008 through 2016 general election cycles. We conclude that…
From Reconstruction to Reform
The rise of voluntary associations in the late nineteenth century has received significant scholarly attention over the last few decades. Some studies argue that modernization facilitates group formation, but other analyses (e.g., Crowley and Skocpol 2001; Gamm and Putnam 1999) find little support for the argument that modernization caused group formation. Here, we extend this debate to the study of the strength of state-level, voluntary associat…
Evangelical Protestantism and Bias Against Female Political Leaders
Objective Gender and politics scholars have paid little attention to religion as a source of individual‐level biases against female politicians. We begin to address this gap by modeling the relationship among evangelical Protestantism, partisanship, and the beliefs that males are better issue advocates and political leaders than women. Methods We employ logistic regression models with data from a 2008 survey administered by the Pew Social and Dem…
Increasing Women’s Political Participation
Women have historically participated in political activities such as speaking at public meetings and contributing to candidates at lower rates than men. One explanation for this phenomenon is women’s underrepresentation in political institutions, which compromises their sense of political efficacy. In support of this explanation, as the number of women in government has increased, gender gaps in participation have narrowed in most industrialised …
Revisiting the ESA model
Why Did Women Vote for Donald Trump
Popular accounts of the 2016 presidential election attribute Donald Trump’s victory to the mobilization of angry white men seeking to restore traditional values and social roles. Whereas a majority of Trump voters were male, more than 40% of women who went to the polls on Election Day also supported him. This analysis explores the motivations of these women, asking how partisanship, demographics, and beliefs motivated their vote choice. We found …
Uniting the living through the dead
Exploring the legend of a “nation of joiners”
The promise of the USA as a “nation of joiners” has long motivated scholars, especially those studying voluntary associations. We reexamine this idea using evidence from three voluntary associations of the 19th century, the Sons of Temperance, the Knights of Labor, and the Grand Army of the Republic. Our analyses reveal that while each organization’s state-level branches were able to recruit new members, participation was often fleeting. Membersh…
It's All Relative
Objective In this article, we reexamine how the entry and success of women state legislative candidates is affected by local political context. Methods We use evidence from state legislative elections from 2001 to 2010 to test our hypotheses. Results We find that female candidates’ emergence and success are affected by the district's context relative to both all districts nationally and all districts within that state. Intrastate comparisons are …
Learning to “Play the Game as Men Do
Much has been written about efforts to expand women’s social, cultural, and political representation, roles, and opportunities. However, as political scientists, we have done little to document the early history of incorporating women into the discipline. This article illustrates how the General Federation of Women’s Clubs (GFWC) established the study of politics as an acceptable course of baccalaureate study for women: first, by crafting a model…
Tribalism in America
Our research speaks to the ongoing debate over the extent and severity of partisan political divisions in American society. We employ behavioral experiments to probe for affective polarization using dictator, trust, and public goods games with party identification treatments. We find that subjects who identify politically with the Democratic or Republican Party and ideologically as liberals and conservatives display stronger affective biases than…
Expanding the energy–stability–area model
Will AmericansReallyVote for a Woman President? Aggregate Gender Bias in the 2016 Presidential Election
Many individual-level studies were conducted on the 2016 American presidential election. Fewer analyses consider how aggregate context affected support for Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. We explore this issue, asking if Clinton’s vote share was smaller in counties with lower baseline hospitability toward women candidates; we find support for this proposition. This effect persists in counties won by Barack Obama in 2012 and Trump in 2016. These…
Religious Adherence, Women-Friendliness, and Representation in American State Legislatures
National and cross-national studies demonstrate that the probability of women candidates' emergence and success is lower in more religious areas. One recent study of the U.S. House of Representatives even suggests that the effect of religiosity may be so powerful as to render insignificant other contextual factors, including a district's baseline women-friendliness. We argue that this finding is an institutional artifact; in less competitive cont…
The Southern Question
SOCIAL SCIENTISTS HAVE LONG BEEN FASCINATED with Americans’ propensity to join political organizations. Some accounts have gone so far as to dub the country a “nation of joiners.”1 At no point in American history was this phenomenon more obvious than during the so-called golden age (approximately 1876–1920) of large, federated, voluntary membership associations.2 Yet this picture is oversimplified. Evidence suggests that regional differences were…
An “urban voluntary association” in the rural South? Urbanity, race, and the United Daughters of the Confederacy, 1910–1930
Historians describe the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) as an urban movement, but the reasons for its urban focus have not been adequately explored. This is intriguing because the UDC was most vibrant during the first three decades of the twentieth century, when white and black citizens alike were leaving rural southern communities for urban centers – and as white politicians increasingly enforced Jim Crow restrictions. In this study, w…
Density dependence in economic sectors in the Progressive Era
Political science (45 obras) · Law (42 obras) · Politics (35 obras) · Sociology (33 obras) · Law (32 obras) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (26 obras) · Economics (20 obras) · Gender Politics and Representation (18 obras) · Psychology (17 obras) · Political economy (16 obras)