Christopher Alcantara
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 3606862 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Christopher Alcantara |
| PRENOMES | Christopher |
| SOBRENOME | Alcantara |
| ASSINATURA | ALCANTARA C |
| AFILIAÇÕES | Western University |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-6089-1114 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 54 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 303 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 54 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2005 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 9 |
Determinants of Attitudes Toward Reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples
Existing research on public opinion towards Indigenous peoples tends to focus on the extent to which citizens hold racist and anti-Indigenous attitudes. In contrast, few empirical studies have examined the extent to which citizens support reconciliation with Indigenous peoples. Drawing on data from the 2021 Canadian Election Study (CES), we construct a novel Indigenous reconciliation scale to measure non-Indigenous support for policies that seek …
From Reconciliation to Reversal
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples marked a pivotal moment, signalling an emerging global consensus on the recognition and protection of Indigenous peoples’ inherent rights. In its wake, settler states such as Australia and New Zealand adopted a reconciliatory turn, enacting policies to advance the political, economic and cultural interests of Indigenous communities. However, recent political developments – includi…
Decoy politics
Anglo settler states like Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States were built through the dispossession of Indigenous lands and through the disruption of Indigenous political, social and economic systems. Over time, however, Indigenous nations have challenged the unjust foundations of these states, forcing settler states to respond with repression but also with accommodation, especially in the face of successful Indigenous mobilizatio…
Do experts and citizens perceive party competition similarly
Researchers frequently rely on expert surveys to acquire information about political ideology and political parties, which they then use to explore a range of political phenomena such as proximity voting and satisfaction with democracy. Yet it is unclear whether experts and citizens place the parties similarly, which may have important implications for studies that rely on expert data. To what extent do citizens share expert views regarding polit…
Institutional change and partisanship in the Canadian Senate
The Canadian Senate was originally designed to act as an independent check on the House of Commons but over time, rampant and increasing partisanship rendered the Senate illegitimate in the eyes of the public. In 2014, Liberal leader Justin Trudeau tried to reverse these trends by expelling all Liberal Senators from his party in hopes of reducing partisanship and restoring the Senate to its original, independent function. To what extent did this …
Do Men and Women Differ in their Political Knowledge about Policy Responsibilities across Levels of Government
Does the political knowledge gender gap extend to knowledge about federalism, an institutional arrangement that increases the cognitive demand on voter knowledge? We answer this question by drawing upon data from three national surveys administered in Canada between 2020 and 2022. We find evidence of a gap between men and women in terms of their knowledge of the distribution of authority across the three orders of government. Across four of our k…
The Gender Gap and Academic Publishing in Political Science
The underrepresentation of women-authored scholarship in political science journals remains a persistent issue. Studies confirm that a gender gap exists in many leading American and European journals and that a key contributing factor is the lack of supply from women authors. To what extent is this gap present in the Canadian Journal of Political Science (CJPS), given the Canadian Political Science Association’s efforts to promote gender equality…
Measuring Policy Diffusion in Federal Systems
Existing studies of policy diffusion rely on quantitative or qualitative methods depending on the number of cases and the policy at hand. Studies of diffusion in Canada, for instance, almost exclusively use qualitative techniques due to the limited number of subnational units. In this article, we explore whether machine learning techniques can complement qualitative approaches in these contexts. In 2015, the Canadian federal government decided to…
Representative democracy and cabinet selection
In Westminster parliamentary democracies like Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, research has found that cabinet composition is driven mainly by longstanding norms and practices that privilege older, white males with certain educational and political experiences. Do these trends apply at the subnational level where the demographic make‐up can be quite different? To answer this question, we draw upon an original dataset of all members of the legi…
Does Simulating Financial Equality Reduce the Political Donations Gender Gap
A variety of research has found strong evidence that men are more likely to donate to political parties and candidates relative to women. Yet studies of other kinds of political participation have observed a shrinking gender gap. What explains this variation? One possible explanation comes from several studies that report women are more likely to donate to nonpolitical groups when told they have been entered into a monetary draw. Does simulating …
Measuring accountability in interlocal agreements between Indigenous and local governments
Interlocal agreements are becoming a popular policy tool for facilitating intergovernmental coordination and cooperation in Canada and the United States. Indigenous and local governments are also turning to these agreements despite long histories of colonialism, exploitation and dispossession by the settler State toward Indigenous communities. To what extent do interlocal agreements between Indigenous and municipal governments require stringent a…
Political donations and the gender gap during Covid-19
What effect has the COVID-19 pandemic had on the political donations gender gap in Canada? Drawing on data from two national surveys conducted in May and August 2020, as well as Elections Canada data from 2019 and 2020, we find an overall decline in contributions to political parties and a reduced but still significant gender gap, with women less likely to donate to political parties than men
Locating federalism
Scholars who study centralization and decentralization in Canada usually rely on the distribution of authority and financial/human resources to identify transfers of “power to” and “power over” among different levels of government. We argue that patterns of non‐financial asset ownership are a useful yet frequently overlooked measure of “power to.” We demonstrate that Canadian municipal policy responses to the COVID‐19 pandemic were shaped in part…
Overcoming barriers to Indigenous‐local water sharing agreements in Canada
Although water sharing agreements have emerged as an important tool for improving First Nations water security in Canada, some communities are reluctant to sign them. In this article, we review the concerns raised by First Nations leaders and examine the extent to which existing water sharing agreements include provisions that might mitigate their concerns. To do so, we analyze the contents of 40 water agreements between First Nations and local c…
Covid-19 Policy Convergence in Response to Knightian Uncertainty
Domestic policy responses to COVID-19 were remarkably consistent during the early days of the pandemic. What explains this policy convergence? Our formal model suggests that the novel character of COVID-19 produced a period of maximum policy uncertainty, incentivizing political actors to converge on a common set of policies to minimize their exposure to electoral punishment. This convergence is likely to break down as policy feedback produces opi…
Does Federalism Prevent Democratic Accountability? Assigning Responsibility for Rates of Covid-19 Testing
Does federalism prevent citizens from holding governments accountable for their actions? The pandemic represents the ideal scenario for testing the effects of federalism on democratic accountability because citizens are highly motivated to hold governments accountable for preventing or failing to prevent the rapid transmission of the virus. Previous research suggests that a number of institutional and political factors complicate the accountabili…
Exploring the effects of electorate size on indigenous voter turnout
A growing body of scholarship suggests that Indigenous peoples abstain from voting in national and subnational elections because of colonialism and so classic determinants of turnout do not apply. We investigate this argument by examining the relationship between electorate size and voter turnout in federal, provincial and regional elections in five Inuit communities in Canada, leveraging the fact that these communities are mostly similar across …
Representing the Constituency
In most democratic countries, elected officials must balance the interests of their constituents against the interests of the broader electorate. One factor that is thought to affect this balance is the nature of the political offices that politicians occupy. Is this assumption true? We investigate the effect of one's elected position on the likelihood of raising local issues in legislative assemblies by examining the Nunatsiavut Assembly, the le…
Do governments keep their promises? An analysis of speeches from the throne
Political parties regularly make promises to the public about what they hope to accomplish if and when they are elected to office. Once in office, the winning party, usually via the executive branch, announces its agenda by delivering a “speech from the throne” or a “state of the union/nation” address in the legislature. To what extent are governments able to fulfill the promises they make in these speeches? To answer this question, we investigat…
Nested Federalism and Inuit Governance in the Canadian Arctic
The Canadian federal system was never designed to recognize Indigenous governance, and it has resisted formal institutional change. But change has come. Indigenous communities in the North have successfully negotiated the creation of self-governing regions, most of which have been situated politically and institutionally within existing constituent units of the Canadian federation. These varied governance arrangements are forms of nested federali…
Improving First Nations water security through governance
Many First Nations communities lack access to safe drinking water. In this article, we examine an under‐appreciated tool for improving First Nations water security – governance – and develop a framework for guiding the design and analysis of First Nations water governance models. In particular, we argue that three key ideas from the public administration literature – financial resources, regulation, and formalization – should be integrated with I…
Running for elected office
Over the last 40 years, Indigenous communities in Canada have negotiated self-government agreements that allow them to express politically their unique identities, traditions and beliefs within the confines of the federal system. In this paper, we examine the motivations and range of candidates that have run for political office at the regional level in Nunatsiavut, an Inuit self-governing community in northern Labrador created through the Labrad…
The Qualifying Field Exam
Most political scientists self-identify as a comparativist, theorist, Americanist, or another label corresponding with the qualifying field exams (QFE) that they passed during their doctoral studies. Passing the QFE indicates that a graduate student or faculty member is broadly familiar with the full range of theories, approaches, and debates within a subfield or research theme. The value of the QFE as a form of certification, however, depends on…
Do Constraints Limit Opportunism? Incumbent Electoral Performance Before and After (Partially) Fixed-Term Laws
Diversifying Methodologies
Intergovernmental agreements between municipal and Indigenous governments are rapidly expanding in number and importance in Canada and the United States, yet they remain underexamined in the literature. This article considers how to measure the success of these agreements. It takes as a case study the port divestiture agreement between the City of Cornwall (Ontario, Canada), and a neighbouring Indigenous government, the Mohawk Council of Akwesasn…
Indigenous Peoples and the State in Settler Societies
Over the past fifty years, Indigenous peoples in settler countries have mobilized to demand policy and institutional changes from their respective states. Although some scholars have employed multilevel governance (MLG) to make sense of these developments, none has examined systematically whether MLG accurately describes these phenomena. We address this lacuna by creating a more robust definition of MLG and applying it to a sample of Indigenous--…
Rethinking Multilevel Governance as an Instance of Multilevel Politics
This paper introduces a new approach to the comparative analysis of multilevel governance (MLG). Using water governance in North America as an illustrative example, it advances an innovative approach for scrutinizing the varieties of actor constellations in multilevel settings. While MLG is commonly conceptualized rather broadly as a system, we define MLG instead as an instance of a specific actor configuration that can rigorously be distinguishe…
The election timing advantage
To Treaty or Not to Treaty? Aboriginal Peoples and Comprehensive Land Claims Negotiations in Canada
Although the federal comprehensive land claims (CLC) process has become an almost hegemonic paradigm of government–Aboriginal relations in Canada, this article argues that Aboriginal groups should consider abandoning the CLC process if they have not been able to make significant progress towards completing treaties. Previously, many Aboriginal groups had no better option but to negotiate CLC treaties to achieve their goals. Now, however, a number…
A new model for making Aboriginal policy? Evaluating the Kelowna Accord and the promise of multilevel governance in Canada
Government policy‐making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy‐making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavi…
Political opportunity structures and the representation of women and visible minorities in municipal elections
Explaining Aboriginal Treaty Negotiation Outcomes in Canada
In 1977, the Inuit and the Innu in Labrador each submitted statements of intent to begin treaty negotiations with the federal and provincial governments under the federal comprehensive land claims process. On 22 January 2005, the Inuit, the federal government, and the province of Newfoundland and Labrador signed the Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement. The Innu, on the other hand, are nowhere near to completing their agreement. This paper seeks …
Does Federalism Prevent Democratic Accountability? Assigning Responsibility for Rates of Covid-19 Testing
Does federalism prevent citizens from holding governments accountable for their actions? The pandemic represents the ideal scenario for testing the effects of federalism on democratic accountability because citizens are highly motivated to hold governments accountable for preventing or failing to prevent the rapid transmission of the virus. Previous research suggests that a number of institutional and political factors complicate the accountabili…
Strengthening the ties that bind? An analysis of aboriginal-municipal inter-governmental agreements in British Columbia
Despite a rich and well-developed literature on Canadian federalism, multilevel governance, and aboriginal–settler relations, scholars have tended to ignore the variety of inter-governmental agreements that have emerged between aboriginal and municipal governments in Canada. This article examines ninety-three such agreements to construct a typology of aboriginal–municipal inter-governmental partnerships in British Columbia. It finds that over tim…
Institutional design and the accountability paradox
While academic interest in accountability and transparency mechanisms in Aboriginal governance has risen over the past few years, very few studies have examined how these mechanisms operate in practice. One author, Shin Imai ( ), argues that Indigenous groups in Canada are faced with an accountability paradox that gives too much power to the federal government to intervene in band affairs, while giving too little power to band members to hold the…
Negotiating Aboriginal Self-Government Agreements in Canada
In 1973, the federal government of Canada invited Aboriginal groups to enter into comprehensive land claims negotiations to settle outstanding claims not addressed by historical treaties. After eight years of negotiations, the Inuvialuit became the second group in Canada to sign a modern treaty, doing so in 1984. Missing from that agreement, however, was a self-government chapter, which was not open to negotiation at that time. In 1996, the Inuvi…
Ideas, Executive Federalism and Institutional Change
Official participation in Canadian First Ministers' Conferences has long been exclusive to federal and provincial first ministers. In March 1992, however, the membership of this intergovernmental arena was expanded permanently to include territorial premiers. Using the tools of historical institutionalism and drawing upon relevant literature and eleven elite interviews with former first ministers and senior civil servants, this paper seeks to exp…
Indigenous multilevel governance and power relations
Indigenous communities have enjoyed varied success in challenging the authority and colonial nature of countries such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States. To make sense of these developments, some scholars have turned to multilevel governance (MLG), a concept developed to analyse the dispersion and fragmentation of authority within and beyond states. In this paper, we contribute to the burgeoning literature on Indigenous MLG b…
Do experts and citizens perceive party competition similarly
Researchers frequently rely on expert surveys to acquire information about political ideology and political parties, which they then use to explore a range of political phenomena such as proximity voting and satisfaction with democracy. Yet it is unclear whether experts and citizens place the parties similarly, which may have important implications for studies that rely on expert data. To what extent do citizens share expert views regarding polit…
Political donations and the gender gap during Covid-19
What effect has the COVID-19 pandemic had on the political donations gender gap in Canada? Drawing on data from two national surveys conducted in May and August 2020, as well as Elections Canada data from 2019 and 2020, we find an overall decline in contributions to political parties and a reduced but still significant gender gap, with women less likely to donate to political parties than men
Mixing Politics and Business in the Canadian Arctic
Over the past three decades, Inuit economic development corporations (IEDCs) have played an important role in preparing the Inuit regions of Nunavik in northern Québec and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories for self-government. In addition to building vital capacity through the provision of services, programs and economic opportunities, IEDCs have also represented their respective regions in self-government negotiations…
Representing the Constituency
In most democratic countries, elected officials must balance the interests of their constituents against the interests of the broader electorate. One factor that is thought to affect this balance is the nature of the political offices that politicians occupy. Is this assumption true? We investigate the effect of one's elected position on the likelihood of raising local issues in legislative assemblies by examining the Nunatsiavut Assembly, the le…
Explaining the Emergence of Indigenous–Local Intergovernmental Relations in Settler Societies
There has been growing interest among practitioners and academics in the emergence of intergovernmental relations between local and Aboriginal governments in Canada. Initial research has focused on describing the nature of these relations but has yet to develop any theoretical expectations regarding why some communities are more likely to cooperate than others. We address this lacuna by developing a theoretical framework for explaining the emerge…
Covid-19 Policy Convergence in Response to Knightian Uncertainty
Domestic policy responses to COVID-19 were remarkably consistent during the early days of the pandemic. What explains this policy convergence? Our formal model suggests that the novel character of COVID-19 produced a period of maximum policy uncertainty, incentivizing political actors to converge on a common set of policies to minimize their exposure to electoral punishment. This convergence is likely to break down as policy feedback produces opi…
Do governments keep their promises? An analysis of speeches from the throne
Political parties regularly make promises to the public about what they hope to accomplish if and when they are elected to office. Once in office, the winning party, usually via the executive branch, announces its agenda by delivering a “speech from the throne” or a “state of the union/nation” address in the legislature. To what extent are governments able to fulfill the promises they make in these speeches? To answer this question, we investigat…
The Qualifying Field Exam
Most political scientists self-identify as a comparativist, theorist, Americanist, or another label corresponding with the qualifying field exams (QFE) that they passed during their doctoral studies. Passing the QFE indicates that a graduate student or faculty member is broadly familiar with the full range of theories, approaches, and debates within a subfield or research theme. The value of the QFE as a form of certification, however, depends on…
Decolonization in a Digital Age
Indigenous scholars and leaders have long been interested in reducing the role of the Canadian state in their political, economic, and social lives. This paper explores the extent to which digital currencies, such as Bitcoin or MazaCoin, might be used to facilitate Indigenous self-determination, political autonomy, and economic prosperity. Based on our review of the literature, we argue that cryptocurrencies demonstrate some potential for advanci…
Implementing comprehensive land claims agreements in Canada
Although there is a rich literature on the negotiation and contents of comprehensive land claims agreements, very little has been written on the dynamics of their implementation. This article contributes by sketching out a framework for analyzing the interactions between Indigenous, federal, and provincial/territorial governments in the implementation of modern treaties in Canada. It finds that a useful way for conceptualizing these situations is…
Fighting Fire with Fire
This paper draws upon data collected from an online voting experiment to test the implications of “going negative” in a multiparty election campaign. Specifically, we investigate two sets of questions: First, does the attention and vote share that candidates receive vary according to the tone (positive/negative) of their election campaign? Second, does the attention and vote share that candidates receive vary according to whether or not all candi…
Preferences, perceptions, and veto players
Since the early part of the 20th century, the federal government has engaged in a long and slow process of devolution in the Canadian Arctic. Although the range of powers devolved to the territorial governments has been substantial over the years, the federal government still maintains control over the single most important jurisdiction in the region, territorial lands and resources, which it controls in two of the three territories, the Northwes…
Certificates of Possession and First Nations Housing
Un des malentendus persistant au sujet des réserves autochtones canadiennes est que le territoire soit la propriété collective de la bande. En réalité, les membres des bandes autochtones peuvent individuellement avoir accès à quatre types de régimes de propriété privée. Cet article porte sur l'un de ces types, le Certificat de propriété (CP), pour déterminer les conséquences et les avantages des CP sur le développement économique des réserves aut…
Reduce transaction costs? Yes. Strengthen property rights? Maybe
To Treaty or Not to Treaty? Aboriginal Peoples and Comprehensive Land Claims Negotiations in Canada
Although the federal comprehensive land claims (CLC) process has become an almost hegemonic paradigm of government–Aboriginal relations in Canada, this article argues that Aboriginal groups should consider abandoning the CLC process if they have not been able to make significant progress towards completing treaties. Previously, many Aboriginal groups had no better option but to negotiate CLC treaties to achieve their goals. Now, however, a number…
Explaining Aboriginal Treaty Negotiation Outcomes in Canada
In 1977, the Inuit and the Innu in Labrador each submitted statements of intent to begin treaty negotiations with the federal and provincial governments under the federal comprehensive land claims process. On 22 January 2005, the Inuit, the federal government, and the province of Newfoundland and Labrador signed the Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement. The Innu, on the other hand, are nowhere near to completing their agreement. This paper seeks …
Aboriginal policy reform and the subsidiarity principle
According to the Indian Act, aboriginal women in Canada do not have the same equality rights as aboriginal men living on‐reserve and non‐aboriginal women living off‐reserve. The Indian Act's provisions governing the division of matrimonial real property on Canadian Indian reserves have dispossessed many aboriginal women of their property entitlements during and after separation and divorce proceedings. Despite the existence of this problem for th…
Old Wine in New Bottles? Instrumental Policy Learning and the Evolution of the Certainty Provision in Comprehensive Land Claims Agreements
Comprehensive land claims agreements are important tools for empowering Aboriginal peoples. A crucial part of these treaties is the certainty provision, which deals with the nature of Aboriginal rights and title once a treaty is signed. Up until 1986, the Crown insisted on one certainty formula for all treaties. After 1986, however, Aboriginal groups were able to negotiate alternatives to the original certainty provision. This paper seeks to expl…
Claiming the City
Since their introduction in 1973, comprehensive land claims (CLC) agreements have become important mechanisms for Aboriginal peoples to achieve their political, social, cultural, and economic goals. Although the literature on CLC negotiations is a rich and varied one, it has tended to ignore the role that municipal governments have on influencing negotiation outcomes. This lacuna is surprising since a number of treaty negotiations in the Yukon Te…
Strengthening the ties that bind? An analysis of aboriginal-municipal inter-governmental agreements in British Columbia
Despite a rich and well-developed literature on Canadian federalism, multilevel governance, and aboriginal–settler relations, scholars have tended to ignore the variety of inter-governmental agreements that have emerged between aboriginal and municipal governments in Canada. This article examines ninety-three such agreements to construct a typology of aboriginal–municipal inter-governmental partnerships in British Columbia. It finds that over tim…
Assessing Devolution in the Canadian North
Despite a rich literature on the political and constitutional development of the Canadian territorial North, few scholars have examined the post-devolution environment in Yukon. This lacuna is surprising since devolution is frequently cited as being crucial to the well-being of Northerners, leading both the Government of Nunavut and the Government of the Northwest Territories to lobby the federal government to devolve lands and resources to them.…
Institutional design and the accountability paradox
While academic interest in accountability and transparency mechanisms in Aboriginal governance has risen over the past few years, very few studies have examined how these mechanisms operate in practice. One author, Shin Imai ( ), argues that Indigenous groups in Canada are faced with an accountability paradox that gives too much power to the federal government to intervene in band affairs, while giving too little power to band members to hold the…
Mixing Politics and Business in the Canadian Arctic
Over the past three decades, Inuit economic development corporations (IEDCs) have played an important role in preparing the Inuit regions of Nunavik in northern Québec and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories for self-government. In addition to building vital capacity through the provision of services, programs and economic opportunities, IEDCs have also represented their respective regions in self-government negotiations…
The election timing advantage
The Dynamics of Intra-jurisdictional Relations in the Inuit Regions of the Canadian Arctic
One of the most exciting developments in Canadian federalism has been the emergence of Aboriginal self-governing regions. This paper constructs a theoretical framework for exploring the evolution of intra-jurisdictional relations in the self-governing Inuit regions of the Canadian Arctic. Intra-jurisdictional relations in these regions are characterized by a unique set of relationships between elected governments and organizations that represent …
Preferences, perceptions, and veto players
Since the early part of the 20th century, the federal government has engaged in a long and slow process of devolution in the Canadian Arctic. Although the range of powers devolved to the territorial governments has been substantial over the years, the federal government still maintains control over the single most important jurisdiction in the region, territorial lands and resources, which it controls in two of the three territories, the Northwes…
Ideas, Executive Federalism and Institutional Change
Official participation in Canadian First Ministers' Conferences has long been exclusive to federal and provincial first ministers. In March 1992, however, the membership of this intergovernmental arena was expanded permanently to include territorial premiers. Using the tools of historical institutionalism and drawing upon relevant literature and eleven elite interviews with former first ministers and senior civil servants, this paper seeks to exp…
Reforming election dates in Canada
Since 2001, ten governments in Canada have passed fixed election date legislation. The typical assumption in the literature is that governments did so as a way to address public concerns about the undemocratic nature of calling and timing elections. This argument, however, does not explain the timing (that is, when the legislation was passed by each jurisdiction) of this policy change. We approach this puzzle deductively by applying the theoretic…
Explaining the Emergence of Indigenous–Local Intergovernmental Relations in Settler Societies
There has been growing interest among practitioners and academics in the emergence of intergovernmental relations between local and Aboriginal governments in Canada. Initial research has focused on describing the nature of these relations but has yet to develop any theoretical expectations regarding why some communities are more likely to cooperate than others. We address this lacuna by developing a theoretical framework for explaining the emerge…
Indigenous Peoples and the State in Settler Societies
Over the past fifty years, Indigenous peoples in settler countries have mobilized to demand policy and institutional changes from their respective states. Although some scholars have employed multilevel governance (MLG) to make sense of these developments, none has examined systematically whether MLG accurately describes these phenomena. We address this lacuna by creating a more robust definition of MLG and applying it to a sample of Indigenous--…
Rethinking Multilevel Governance as an Instance of Multilevel Politics
This paper introduces a new approach to the comparative analysis of multilevel governance (MLG). Using water governance in North America as an illustrative example, it advances an innovative approach for scrutinizing the varieties of actor constellations in multilevel settings. While MLG is commonly conceptualized rather broadly as a system, we define MLG instead as an instance of a specific actor configuration that can rigorously be distinguishe…
Members among New Andrew Carnegie Fellows
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Skin for Skin
Book Review| October 01 2015 Skin for Skin: Death and Life for Inuit and Innu Skin for Skin: Death and Life for Inuit and Innu. By Gerald M. Sider. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. 312 pp. Illustrations. $89.95 (cloth); $24.95 (paper). Christopher Alcantara Christopher Alcantara Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of American Ethnic History (2015) 35 (1): 111–113. https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.35.1.0…
Negotiating Aboriginal Self-Government Agreements in Canada
In 1973, the federal government of Canada invited Aboriginal groups to enter into comprehensive land claims negotiations to settle outstanding claims not addressed by historical treaties. After eight years of negotiations, the Inuvialuit became the second group in Canada to sign a modern treaty, doing so in 1984. Missing from that agreement, however, was a self-government chapter, which was not open to negotiation at that time. In 1996, the Inuvi…
A new model for making Aboriginal policy? Evaluating the Kelowna Accord and the promise of multilevel governance in Canada
Government policy‐making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy‐making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavi…
Fighting Fire with Fire
This paper draws upon data collected from an online voting experiment to test the implications of “going negative” in a multiparty election campaign. Specifically, we investigate two sets of questions: First, does the attention and vote share that candidates receive vary according to the tone (positive/negative) of their election campaign? Second, does the attention and vote share that candidates receive vary according to whether or not all candi…
Indigenous Research and Academic Freedom
Over the last several decades, scholars working on Indigenous topics have faced increasing pressure to engage in research that promotes social justice and results in formal partnerships with Indigenous communities. In this article, we argue that non-community-based research, in which the researcher exercises academic autonomy over the project, still has a role to play in Indigenous-focused research, depending on the research question, topic, and …
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