Avital Simhony
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 4378183 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Avital Simhony |
| PRENOMES | Avital |
| SOBRENOME | Simhony |
| ASSINATURA | SIMHONY A |
| AFILIAÇÕES | Arizona State University |
| VERIFICADO | Não |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 10 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 21 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 9 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 1 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 1991 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2022 |
| ÍNDICE H | 3 |
Beyond binary discourses on liberty
It is fruitless to interpret Constant's modern liberty from the binary perspective of either the negative/positive freedom opposition or the liberal/republican freedom opposition. Both oppositional perspectives reduce the relationally complex nature of modern liberty to one or another component of the relation. Such reduction inevitably results in an incomplete and, therefore, inadequate interpretation of Constant's modern liberty. Consequently, …
Berlin and Bosanquet
Is the Idealist conception of positive freedom doomed as politically dangerous? Decidedly yes, Berlin famously argues. The danger lies with manipulating positive freedom into a political tool of tyranny, coercing individuals to be free. The vehicle of manipulation is a conception of a divided self that underpins positive freedom. For, Berlin argues, conceptions of freedom derive directly from views of what constitutes a self. He cites the British…
The ‘Social’ is Prior to the ‘Political’
The essay aims to reveal the priority of the ‘social’ over the ‘political’ in Bosanquet's thought by making more prominent what Bosanquet calls ‘social’. It is the domain of human connectedness and cooperation that occupies the space between the ‘political’, state action, and the personal, narrowly conceived individual. The centrality of the ‘social’ emerges against the backdrop of two rival interpretations of Bosanquet's relationship with Britis…
A Liberalism of the Common Good
T. H. Green's community of rights
It is a common communitarian and feminist criticism of liberalism that its preoccupation with rights is incompatible with and even hostile to the possibility of community. I claim that the inseparability of rights and community is a consistent liberal position. To that end, I explore Green's liberal argument. Though he places community at the heart of liberalism, this move is bound up with reconstructing the institution of rights which, in turn, …
The New Liberalism
The 'New Liberalism' of the late nineteenth/early twentieth century is an unjustifiably neglected strand of the liberal tradition. By emphasising community as well as rights and liberty, thinkers such as T. H. Green, J. A. Hobson and L. T. Hobhouse support, but in distinctive ways, recent challenges to the established dichotomy between communitarianism and liberalism. These essays examine new liberal thinking and conclude that liberal and communi…
Was T. H. Green a Utilitarian
Was Green a utilitarian? At least two studies suggest that he was, at least in some sense. One claim is inspired by Macpherson's association of nineteenth-century liberalism with utilitarianism. Drawing on this argument, Greengarten and Hansen claim that Green's departure from utilitarianism is only partial. His commitment to capitalism indicates a subscription to utilitarianism since the latter is the justificatory force of capitalist institutio…
Beyond Negative and Positive Freedom
L'A. tente de demontrer que Green attribue a la notion complexe de liberte non seulement des components negatif et positif mais aussi des elements externe et interne
On Forcing Individuals to Be Free
Berlin argues that Green's positive freedom, at odds with his liberalism, justifies an oppressive society. Berlin's argument proceeds in three steps. The first embraces a shift from negative freedom to rational self-mastery, which is underpinned by a metaphysics of a split self. Then it is claimed that positive freedom is realizable only in a certain kind of society which, thirdly, it is argued, is oppressive. Green takes the first two steps but …
Idealist organicism
The object of this article is to show that the organic conception of society defended by British idealists goes beyond the traditional dichotomy of holistic and individualist conceptions of society.
Beyond Negative and Positive Freedom
L'A. tente de demontrer que Green attribue a la notion complexe de liberte non seulement des components negatif et positif mais aussi des elements externe et interne
On Forcing Individuals to Be Free
Berlin argues that Green's positive freedom, at odds with his liberalism, justifies an oppressive society. Berlin's argument proceeds in three steps. The first embraces a shift from negative freedom to rational self-mastery, which is underpinned by a metaphysics of a split self. Then it is claimed that positive freedom is realizable only in a certain kind of society which, thirdly, it is argued, is oppressive. Green takes the first two steps but …
T. H. Green's community of rights
It is a common communitarian and feminist criticism of liberalism that its preoccupation with rights is incompatible with and even hostile to the possibility of community. I claim that the inseparability of rights and community is a consistent liberal position. To that end, I explore Green's liberal argument. Though he places community at the heart of liberalism, this move is bound up with reconstructing the institution of rights which, in turn, …
A Liberalism of the Common Good
Was T. H. Green a Utilitarian
Was Green a utilitarian? At least two studies suggest that he was, at least in some sense. One claim is inspired by Macpherson's association of nineteenth-century liberalism with utilitarianism. Drawing on this argument, Greengarten and Hansen claim that Green's departure from utilitarianism is only partial. His commitment to capitalism indicates a subscription to utilitarianism since the latter is the justificatory force of capitalist institutio…
On Forcing Individuals to Be Free
Berlin argues that Green's positive freedom, at odds with his liberalism, justifies an oppressive society. Berlin's argument proceeds in three steps. The first embraces a shift from negative freedom to rational self-mastery, which is underpinned by a metaphysics of a split self. Then it is claimed that positive freedom is realizable only in a certain kind of society which, thirdly, it is argued, is oppressive. Green takes the first two steps but …
Beyond Negative and Positive Freedom
L'A. tente de demontrer que Green attribue a la notion complexe de liberte non seulement des components negatif et positif mais aussi des elements externe et interne
Was T. H. Green a Utilitarian
Was Green a utilitarian? At least two studies suggest that he was, at least in some sense. One claim is inspired by Macpherson's association of nineteenth-century liberalism with utilitarianism. Drawing on this argument, Greengarten and Hansen claim that Green's departure from utilitarianism is only partial. His commitment to capitalism indicates a subscription to utilitarianism since the latter is the justificatory force of capitalist institutio…
The New Liberalism
The 'New Liberalism' of the late nineteenth/early twentieth century is an unjustifiably neglected strand of the liberal tradition. By emphasising community as well as rights and liberty, thinkers such as T. H. Green, J. A. Hobson and L. T. Hobhouse support, but in distinctive ways, recent challenges to the established dichotomy between communitarianism and liberalism. These essays examine new liberal thinking and conclude that liberal and communi…
T. H. Green's community of rights
It is a common communitarian and feminist criticism of liberalism that its preoccupation with rights is incompatible with and even hostile to the possibility of community. I claim that the inseparability of rights and community is a consistent liberal position. To that end, I explore Green's liberal argument. Though he places community at the heart of liberalism, this move is bound up with reconstructing the institution of rights which, in turn, …
A Liberalism of the Common Good
The ‘Social’ is Prior to the ‘Political’
The essay aims to reveal the priority of the ‘social’ over the ‘political’ in Bosanquet's thought by making more prominent what Bosanquet calls ‘social’. It is the domain of human connectedness and cooperation that occupies the space between the ‘political’, state action, and the personal, narrowly conceived individual. The centrality of the ‘social’ emerges against the backdrop of two rival interpretations of Bosanquet's relationship with Britis…
Berlin and Bosanquet
Is the Idealist conception of positive freedom doomed as politically dangerous? Decidedly yes, Berlin famously argues. The danger lies with manipulating positive freedom into a political tool of tyranny, coercing individuals to be free. The vehicle of manipulation is a conception of a divided self that underpins positive freedom. For, Berlin argues, conceptions of freedom derive directly from views of what constitutes a self. He cites the British…
Beyond binary discourses on liberty
It is fruitless to interpret Constant's modern liberty from the binary perspective of either the negative/positive freedom opposition or the liberal/republican freedom opposition. Both oppositional perspectives reduce the relationally complex nature of modern liberty to one or another component of the relation. Such reduction inevitably results in an incomplete and, therefore, inadequate interpretation of Constant's modern liberty. Consequently, …
Idealist organicism
The object of this article is to show that the organic conception of society defended by British idealists goes beyond the traditional dichotomy of holistic and individualist conceptions of society.
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