Chris Hanretty
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 641713 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Chris Hanretty |
| PRENOMES | Chris |
| SOBRENOME | Hanretty |
| ASSINATURA | HANRETTY C |
| AFILIAÇÕES | University of East Anglia |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-8932-9405 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 40 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 452 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 40 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2008 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 14 |
Government identifiability and the number of parties
Government identifiability – the degree to which the party composition of the eventual government can be predicted given the election results – is a desirable characteristic of a political system. But the measurement of identifiability has remained impressionistic, limiting our ability to speak precisely about trade-offs between identifiability and other characteristics of the political system. I show that a recent measure of bargaining complexit…
Fathers, mothers, and legislative talk about the future
Everyone agrees that legislators in democracies should have due regard for the future. However, we do not know what factors affect politicians’ temporal focus. This is particularly true of personal characteristics of legislators, which may be advantaged by different (s)electorates. We study the temporal focus of politicians in the post-war United Kingdom, as inferred from their use of language. Specifically, we investigate whether new parents foc…
Who does disproportionality favour? A measure for cross-domain comparison of disproportionalities
Many fields in political science deal with disproportionality between the share of outcomes each actor receives and their share of inputs. In some fields disproportionality is mostly regressive (big-get-bigger disproportionality), but in other disproportionality is degressive (the small are overcompensated). Unfortunately, existing measures of disproportionality collapse these two type of disproportionality, with negative consequences for theory …
Legislators talk less about the future as they age
A More Future‐Oriented Legislature? The Impact of a Permanent “Future Committee” on the Temporal Focus of MPs
Political short‐sightedness is commonly considered a problem for democracies struggling with long‐term challenges, but few proposed cures for political myopia have been implemented. We study the world's first and only genuinely institutionalized legislature‐based “future committee”, Finland's Committee for the Future (CF). Our outcome variable is a novel and unobtrusive speech‐based measure of individuals’ temporal focus that is measured at the M…
Local party members’ views are associated, but not completely congruent, with local constituency opinion
Do local political party members reflect the views of voters in their constituencies? Since candidate selection by local party members is the most common form of candidate selection in the United Kingdom, it is important to understand local party members’ views, and how those views relate to views in the local area. We investigate the degree to which individual members’ views match local opinion by combining the results of a large-scale survey of…
How not to conduct a regression discontinuity design using a continuous measure of democracy
I review a recent article published in this journal (Ademi and Kimya, 2023) which uses a continuous measure of democracy as the basis for a ‘fuzzy regression discontinuity design’ investigating the effect of democratization on party system polarization. I argue that their design does not qualify as a regression discontinuity design because continuous measures of democracy produced by social scientists are not used to assign treatments to country-…
Simulating Party Shares
We tackle the problem of simulating seat- and vote-shares for a party system of a given size. We show how these shares can be generated using unordered and ordered Dirichlet distributions. We show that a distribution with a mean vector given by the rule described in Taagepera and Allik (2006, Electoral Studies 25, 696–713) fits real-world data almost as well as a saturated model where there is a parameter for each rank/system size combination
Legislators’ accountability for issue stances
For legislators to be held accountable for their stances voters need to sanction unpopular positions. However, because of strong party discipline it is difficult to identify the effects of individual MPs' stances rather than the stance of their party, because MPs almost always have the same stance as their party. Researchers must therefore study issues which cut across parties or where parties allowed representatives to follow their conscience. S…
The effect of employment on attendance
I challenge Strong’s findings that student employment is not related to attendance. I argue that the original analysis is guilty of controlling for a post-treatment variable. As a result, the coefficients in the regression model do not show how employment causes changes in attendance. I show that employment likely has a negative effect on attendance even given severe confounding. Academics should, if asked, tell students that their attendance wil…
Party system polarization and the effective number of parties
Polarization is a key characteristic of party systems, but scholars disagree about how polarization relates to the number of parties in a system. Different authors find positive, negative, or null relationships. This relationship is what one would expect if parties were drawn randomly from a super-population with an effective sample size somewhere between the effective and raw number of parties. I test this claim using multiple datasets which rep…
The Pork Barrel Politics of the Towns Fund
The article reviews the selection of towns in England under the Town Deals scheme, a funding scheme set up in the summer of 2019. Under the scheme, 101 towns in England were selected from a long‐list of 541 towns to bid for funding to improve local infrastructure. The findings show that Conservative‐held areas (and in particular marginal Conservative‐held areas) were much more likely to be selected for the scheme, and that this association remain…
Members of Parliament are Minimally Accountable for Their Issue Stances (and They Know It)
For incumbents to be accountable for their issue stances, voters must sanction incumbents whose positions are "out of step" with their own. We test the electoral accountability of British legislators for their stance on Brexit. We find that there is very limited issue accountability. Individuals who disagreed with their representative's stance on Brexit were 3 percentage points less likely to vote for them. The aggregate consequences of these ind…
The Government Deference Dimension of Judicial Decision Making
Past research has revealed conflicting findings regarding the degree to which judges on European apex courts enact their policy preferences or instead disagree on the basis of divergent legal views. We investigate disagreement between judges on the Norwegian Supreme Court between 1996 and 2016. During this period, the court dealt with a greater volume of policy‐relevant cases than previously. The method of appointment to the court was also change…
An Introduction to Multilevel Regression and Post-Stratification for Estimating Constituency Opinion
This article provides an overview of multilevel regression and post-stratification. It reviews the stages in estimating opinion for small areas, identifies circumstances in which multilevel regression and post-stratification can go wrong, or go right, and provides a worked example for the UK using publicly available data sources and a previously published post-stratification frame
A Choice‐Based Measure of Issue Importance in the Electorate
Measuring how much citizens care about different policy issues is critical for political scientists, yet existing measurement approaches have significant limitations. We provide a new survey‐experimental, choice‐based approach for measuring the importance voters attach to different positional issues, including issues not currently contested by political elites. We combine information from (a) direct questions eliciting respondents' positions on d…
Decomposing Public Opinion Variation into Ideology, Idiosyncrasy, and Instability
We propose a method for decomposing variation in the issue preferences that US citizens express on surveys into three sources of variability that correspond to major threads in public opinion research. We find that, averaging across a set of high-profile US political issues, a single ideological dimension accounts for about 1/7 of opinion variation, individuals’ idiosyncratic preferences account for about 3/7, and response instability for the rem…
Comparing Strategies for Estimating Constituency Opinion from National Survey Samples
Political scientists interested in estimating how public opinion varies by constituency have developed several strategies for supplementing limited constituency survey data with additional sources of information. We present two evaluation studies in the previously unexamined context of British constituency-level opinion: an external validation study of party vote share in the 2010 general election and a cross-validation of opinion toward the Euro…
Political Independence, Accountability, and the Quality of Regulatory Decision-Making
Recent decades have seen a considerable increase in delegation to independent regulatory agencies, which has been justified by reference to the superior performance of these bodies relative to government departments. Yet, the hypothesis that more independent regulators do better work has hardly been tested. We examine the link using a comprehensive measure of the quality of work carried out by competition authorities in 30 Organisation for Econom…
The influence of legislators’ endorsements in party leadership elections
Dyadic Representation in a Westminster System
Is policy representation in contemporary Westminster systems solely a function of programmatic national parties, or does the election of legislators via single‐member districts result in MPs whose policy positions are individually responsive to public opinion in their constituencies? We generate new measures of constituency opinion in Britain and show that, in three different policy domains and controlling for MP party, the observed legislative b…
Combining national and constituency polling for forecasting
The Appointment of Judges by Ministers
I investigate appointment to the Court of Appeal and House of Lords between 1880 and 2005. Exploiting the fact that appointment is almost invariably from within the ranks of existing High Court judges and using a conditional logit model, I test for effects of legal, professional, and political factors on appointment prospects. Although there is no advantage to having the same political affiliation as the appointing lord chancellor, judges are mor…
Political Brands
This paper investigates whether five English political parties are differentiating themselves based on the brand personality they are communicating through their websites. The relative brand positions of five English political parties are analyzed using Aaker's brand personality scale. The text from each party website is analyzed using content analysis and a dictionary-based tool. The results are plotted in relation to one another on a correspond…
Judicial Disagreement need not be Political
I investigate the non-unanimous decisions of judges on the Estonian Supreme Court. I argue that since judges on the court enjoy high de jure independence, dissent frequently, and are integrated in the normal judicial hierarchy, the Estonian Supreme Court is a crucial case for the presumption that judicial disagreement reveals policy preferences. I analyse dissenting opinions using an ideal point response model. Examining the characteristics of ca…
Measuring the formal independence of regulatory agencies
While the literature on delegation has discussed at length the benefits of creating independent regulatory agencies (IRAs), not much attention has been paid to the conceptualization and operationalization of agency independence. In this study, we argue that existing attempts to operationalize the formal political independence of IRAs suffer from a number of conceptual and methodological flaws. To address these, we define what we understand by ind…
Shall the law set them free? The formal and actual independence of regulatory agencies
Regulation by independent agencies, rather than ministries, is believed to result in better policy outcomes. Yet this belief requires one to accept a complex causal chain leading from formal independence to actual independence from politics, to policy decisions, and, ultimately, to policy outcomes. In this study, we analyze the link between the formal and actual independence of regulatory agencies in Western Europe. New data on the appointment of…
Dyadic Representation in a Westminster System
Is policy representation in contemporary Westminster systems solely a function of programmatic national parties, or does the election of legislators via single‐member districts result in MPs whose policy positions are individually responsive to public opinion in their constituencies? We generate new measures of constituency opinion in Britain and show that, in three different policy domains and controlling for MP party, the observed legislative b…
Political Independence, Accountability, and the Quality of Regulatory Decision-Making
Recent decades have seen a considerable increase in delegation to independent regulatory agencies, which has been justified by reference to the superior performance of these bodies relative to government departments. Yet, the hypothesis that more independent regulators do better work has hardly been tested. We examine the link using a comprehensive measure of the quality of work carried out by competition authorities in 30 Organisation for Econom…
Dissent in Iberia
In this article, the non‐unanimous decisions of the Portuguese and Spanish Constitutional Tribunals for the periods 1989–2009 and 2000–2009 are analysed. It is shown that judicial dissent can be predicted moderately well on the basis of judicial ideal points along a single dimension. This dimension is equivalent to the left–right cleavage in both Portugal and Spain. The characteristics of the recovered dimension are demonstrated by analysing both…
Credibility and Agency Termination under Parliamentarism
This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in Journal of Public Administration Research And Theory following peer review. The version of record Journal of Public Administration Research And Theory, 2016, 159–173 doi:10.1093/jopart/muu050 is available online at: http://jpart.oxfordjournals.org/content/26/1/159
Explaining the De Facto Independence of Public Broadcasters
Institutions operating beyond direct control of government, such as central banks, constitutional courts and public broadcasters, enjoy guarantees of de jure independence, but de jure independence is no guarantee of de facto independence. This is especially so for public broadcasting, where cultural variables are often assumed to be decisive. In this article, the de jure and de facto independence of thirty-six public service broadcasters world-wi…
Comparing Strategies for Estimating Constituency Opinion from National Survey Samples
Political scientists interested in estimating how public opinion varies by constituency have developed several strategies for supplementing limited constituency survey data with additional sources of information. We present two evaluation studies in the previously unexamined context of British constituency-level opinion: an external validation study of party vote share in the 2010 general election and a cross-validation of opinion toward the Euro…
The Pork Barrel Politics of the Towns Fund
The article reviews the selection of towns in England under the Town Deals scheme, a funding scheme set up in the summer of 2019. Under the scheme, 101 towns in England were selected from a long‐list of 541 towns to bid for funding to improve local infrastructure. The findings show that Conservative‐held areas (and in particular marginal Conservative‐held areas) were much more likely to be selected for the scheme, and that this association remain…
The Decisions and Ideal Points of British Law Lords
Policy-sensitive models of judicial behaviour, whether attitudinal or strategic, have largely passed Britain by. This article argues that this neglect has been benign, because explanations of judicial decisions in terms of the positions of individual judges fare poorly in the British case. To support this argument, the non-unanimous opinions of British Law Lords between 1969 and 2009 are analysed. A hierarchical item-response model of individual …
Partisan self-interest and electoral reform
Members of Parliament are Minimally Accountable for Their Issue Stances (and They Know It)
For incumbents to be accountable for their issue stances, voters must sanction incumbents whose positions are "out of step" with their own. We test the electoral accountability of British legislators for their stance on Brexit. We find that there is very limited issue accountability. Individuals who disagreed with their representative's stance on Brexit were 3 percentage points less likely to vote for them. The aggregate consequences of these ind…
A Choice‐Based Measure of Issue Importance in the Electorate
Measuring how much citizens care about different policy issues is critical for political scientists, yet existing measurement approaches have significant limitations. We provide a new survey‐experimental, choice‐based approach for measuring the importance voters attach to different positional issues, including issues not currently contested by political elites. We combine information from (a) direct questions eliciting respondents' positions on d…
Decomposing Public Opinion Variation into Ideology, Idiosyncrasy, and Instability
We propose a method for decomposing variation in the issue preferences that US citizens express on surveys into three sources of variability that correspond to major threads in public opinion research. We find that, averaging across a set of high-profile US political issues, a single ideological dimension accounts for about 1/7 of opinion variation, individuals’ idiosyncratic preferences account for about 3/7, and response instability for the rem…
Combining national and constituency polling for forecasting
An Introduction to Multilevel Regression and Post-Stratification for Estimating Constituency Opinion
This article provides an overview of multilevel regression and post-stratification. It reviews the stages in estimating opinion for small areas, identifies circumstances in which multilevel regression and post-stratification can go wrong, or go right, and provides a worked example for the UK using publicly available data sources and a previously published post-stratification frame
Comparative determinants of horse-race coverage
We investigate the levels of horse-race coverage in 160 different European print and broadcast outlets in 27 different countries at three different points in time. We match information on outlets’ content to survey-based information on the average levels of interest in politics and education of outlets’ audiences. We formulate hypotheses concerning journalists’ and citizens’ preferences over the ideal level of horse-race coverage, as well as hypo…
Political Brands
This paper investigates whether five English political parties are differentiating themselves based on the brand personality they are communicating through their websites. The relative brand positions of five English political parties are analyzed using Aaker's brand personality scale. The text from each party website is analyzed using content analysis and a dictionary-based tool. The results are plotted in relation to one another on a correspond…
Party system polarization and the effective number of parties
Polarization is a key characteristic of party systems, but scholars disagree about how polarization relates to the number of parties in a system. Different authors find positive, negative, or null relationships. This relationship is what one would expect if parties were drawn randomly from a super-population with an effective sample size somewhere between the effective and raw number of parties. I test this claim using multiple datasets which rep…
The Appointment of Judges by Ministers
I investigate appointment to the Court of Appeal and House of Lords between 1880 and 2005. Exploiting the fact that appointment is almost invariably from within the ranks of existing High Court judges and using a conditional logit model, I test for effects of legal, professional, and political factors on appointment prospects. Although there is no advantage to having the same political affiliation as the appointing lord chancellor, judges are mor…
Judicial Disagreement need not be Political
I investigate the non-unanimous decisions of judges on the Estonian Supreme Court. I argue that since judges on the court enjoy high de jure independence, dissent frequently, and are integrated in the normal judicial hierarchy, the Estonian Supreme Court is a crucial case for the presumption that judicial disagreement reveals policy preferences. I analyse dissenting opinions using an ideal point response model. Examining the characteristics of ca…
The Bulgarian Constitutional Court as an Additional Legislative Chamber
Although not the most prolific of courts, the Bulgarian Constitutional Court (BCC) has now made enough decisions for us to begin characterising its decision making. Generally, decision making on the BCC is characterised by a low caseload dominated by referrals from parliament, by a high level of dissent, and by dissent that in turn is characterised by a disagreement between left- and right-wing judges. I make these claims on the basis of an analy…
The effect of employment on attendance
I challenge Strong’s findings that student employment is not related to attendance. I argue that the original analysis is guilty of controlling for a post-treatment variable. As a result, the coefficients in the regression model do not show how employment causes changes in attendance. I show that employment likely has a negative effect on attendance even given severe confounding. Academics should, if asked, tell students that their attendance wil…
Simulating Party Shares
We tackle the problem of simulating seat- and vote-shares for a party system of a given size. We show how these shares can be generated using unordered and ordered Dirichlet distributions. We show that a distribution with a mean vector given by the rule described in Taagepera and Allik (2006, Electoral Studies 25, 696–713) fits real-world data almost as well as a saturated model where there is a parameter for each rank/system size combination
Haves and Have-Nots before the Law Lords
One important characteristic of justice, and thus of our judicial system, is impartiality. One type of judicial impartiality is impartiality between litigants who command status and material resources (‘haves‘) and those who do not (‘have-nots’). I investigate the success of ‘haves’ in appeals to the House of Lords between 1969 and 2003. I investigate two separate paths by which ‘haves’ might succeed more: relative status advantage over other lit…
Protecting Regulators
Partisan self-interest and electoral reform
Agents and Patients
Explaining the De Facto Independence of Public Broadcasters
Institutions operating beyond direct control of government, such as central banks, constitutional courts and public broadcasters, enjoy guarantees of de jure independence, but de jure independence is no guarantee of de facto independence. This is especially so for public broadcasting, where cultural variables are often assumed to be decisive. In this article, the de jure and de facto independence of thirty-six public service broadcasters world-wi…
Public Broadcasting and Political Interference
Public broadcasters, like the BBC and the Italian broadcaster RAI, are some of the most important media organisations in the world. Politicians are often tempted to interfere in the workings of these broadcasters and when this happens, the results are highly controversial, as both the Blair and Berlusconi governments have discovered. Public Broadcasting and Political Interference explains why some broadcasters are good at resisting politicians’ a…
The concept of pluralism in the Italian public media
In this paper it is argued that the concept of pluralism – the most important value in the Italian media debate – is conceptually confused. The author identifies three mutually incompatible conceptions of pluralism used when discussing the public broadcaster Rai: (1) structural pluralism, satisfied when the public broadcaster is divided into autonomous channels or programme groups; (2) summative pluralism, satisfied when output is divided between…
Measuring the formal independence of regulatory agencies
While the literature on delegation has discussed at length the benefits of creating independent regulatory agencies (IRAs), not much attention has been paid to the conceptualization and operationalization of agency independence. In this study, we argue that existing attempts to operationalize the formal political independence of IRAs suffer from a number of conceptual and methodological flaws. To address these, we define what we understand by ind…
Dissent in Iberia
In this article, the non‐unanimous decisions of the Portuguese and Spanish Constitutional Tribunals for the periods 1989–2009 and 2000–2009 are analysed. It is shown that judicial dissent can be predicted moderately well on the basis of judicial ideal points along a single dimension. This dimension is equivalent to the left–right cleavage in both Portugal and Spain. The characteristics of the recovered dimension are demonstrated by analysing both…
Haves and Have-Nots before the Law Lords
One important characteristic of justice, and thus of our judicial system, is impartiality. One type of judicial impartiality is impartiality between litigants who command status and material resources (‘haves‘) and those who do not (‘have-nots’). I investigate the success of ‘haves’ in appeals to the House of Lords between 1969 and 2003. I investigate two separate paths by which ‘haves’ might succeed more: relative status advantage over other lit…
Shall the law set them free? The formal and actual independence of regulatory agencies
Regulation by independent agencies, rather than ministries, is believed to result in better policy outcomes. Yet this belief requires one to accept a complex causal chain leading from formal independence to actual independence from politics, to policy decisions, and, ultimately, to policy outcomes. In this study, we analyze the link between the formal and actual independence of regulatory agencies in Western Europe. New data on the appointment of…
The Decisions and Ideal Points of British Law Lords
Policy-sensitive models of judicial behaviour, whether attitudinal or strategic, have largely passed Britain by. This article argues that this neglect has been benign, because explanations of judicial decisions in terms of the positions of individual judges fare poorly in the British case. To support this argument, the non-unanimous opinions of British Law Lords between 1969 and 2009 are analysed. A hierarchical item-response model of individual …
The Bulgarian Constitutional Court as an Additional Legislative Chamber
Although not the most prolific of courts, the Bulgarian Constitutional Court (BCC) has now made enough decisions for us to begin characterising its decision making. Generally, decision making on the BCC is characterised by a low caseload dominated by referrals from parliament, by a high level of dissent, and by dissent that in turn is characterised by a disagreement between left- and right-wing judges. I make these claims on the basis of an analy…
Comparative determinants of horse-race coverage
We investigate the levels of horse-race coverage in 160 different European print and broadcast outlets in 27 different countries at three different points in time. We match information on outlets’ content to survey-based information on the average levels of interest in politics and education of outlets’ audiences. We formulate hypotheses concerning journalists’ and citizens’ preferences over the ideal level of horse-race coverage, as well as hypo…
Credibility and Agency Termination under Parliamentarism
This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in Journal of Public Administration Research And Theory following peer review. The version of record Journal of Public Administration Research And Theory, 2016, 159–173 doi:10.1093/jopart/muu050 is available online at: http://jpart.oxfordjournals.org/content/26/1/159
The Appointment of Judges by Ministers
I investigate appointment to the Court of Appeal and House of Lords between 1880 and 2005. Exploiting the fact that appointment is almost invariably from within the ranks of existing High Court judges and using a conditional logit model, I test for effects of legal, professional, and political factors on appointment prospects. Although there is no advantage to having the same political affiliation as the appointing lord chancellor, judges are mor…
Political Brands
This paper investigates whether five English political parties are differentiating themselves based on the brand personality they are communicating through their websites. The relative brand positions of five English political parties are analyzed using Aaker's brand personality scale. The text from each party website is analyzed using content analysis and a dictionary-based tool. The results are plotted in relation to one another on a correspond…
Judicial Disagreement need not be Political
I investigate the non-unanimous decisions of judges on the Estonian Supreme Court. I argue that since judges on the court enjoy high de jure independence, dissent frequently, and are integrated in the normal judicial hierarchy, the Estonian Supreme Court is a crucial case for the presumption that judicial disagreement reveals policy preferences. I analyse dissenting opinions using an ideal point response model. Examining the characteristics of ca…
What makes for prize-winning television
We investigate the determinants of success in four international television awards festivals between 1994 and 2012. We find that countries with larger markets and greater expenditure on public broadcasting tend to win more awards, but that the degree of concentration in the market for television and rates of penetration of pay-per-view television are unrelated to success. These findings are consistent with general industrial organisation literatu…
Combining national and constituency polling for forecasting
The influence of legislators’ endorsements in party leadership elections
Dyadic Representation in a Westminster System
Is policy representation in contemporary Westminster systems solely a function of programmatic national parties, or does the election of legislators via single‐member districts result in MPs whose policy positions are individually responsive to public opinion in their constituencies? We generate new measures of constituency opinion in Britain and show that, in three different policy domains and controlling for MP party, the observed legislative b…
Decomposing Public Opinion Variation into Ideology, Idiosyncrasy, and Instability
We propose a method for decomposing variation in the issue preferences that US citizens express on surveys into three sources of variability that correspond to major threads in public opinion research. We find that, averaging across a set of high-profile US political issues, a single ideological dimension accounts for about 1/7 of opinion variation, individuals’ idiosyncratic preferences account for about 3/7, and response instability for the rem…
Comparing Strategies for Estimating Constituency Opinion from National Survey Samples
Political scientists interested in estimating how public opinion varies by constituency have developed several strategies for supplementing limited constituency survey data with additional sources of information. We present two evaluation studies in the previously unexamined context of British constituency-level opinion: an external validation study of party vote share in the 2010 general election and a cross-validation of opinion toward the Euro…
Political Independence, Accountability, and the Quality of Regulatory Decision-Making
Recent decades have seen a considerable increase in delegation to independent regulatory agencies, which has been justified by reference to the superior performance of these bodies relative to government departments. Yet, the hypothesis that more independent regulators do better work has hardly been tested. We examine the link using a comprehensive measure of the quality of work carried out by competition authorities in 30 Organisation for Econom…
The Government Deference Dimension of Judicial Decision Making
Past research has revealed conflicting findings regarding the degree to which judges on European apex courts enact their policy preferences or instead disagree on the basis of divergent legal views. We investigate disagreement between judges on the Norwegian Supreme Court between 1996 and 2016. During this period, the court dealt with a greater volume of policy‐relevant cases than previously. The method of appointment to the court was also change…
Political science (32 obras) · Law (29 obras) · Law (29 obras) · Politics (29 obras) · Economics (16 obras) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (16 obras) · Computer Science (13 obras) · Mathematics (10 obras) · Sociology (10 obras) · Public Administration (9 obras)