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Octavio Amorim Neto

Dados Biográficos

ID73618
NOMEOctavio Amorim Neto
PRENOMESOctavio
SOBRENOMEAmorim Neto
ASSINATURAAMORIM O
AFILIAÇÕESFundação Getulio Vargas
ORCID0000-0002-3891-3361
VERIFICADOSim
TOTAL DE OBRAS38
TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES965
TOTAL COMO AUTOR38
TOTAL COMO EDITOR0
PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO1997
ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO2026
ÍNDICE H13
  • The global legislative ICT transparency index

    Open Access•Jamil Civitarese, Gregory Michener et al.•ARTICLE•Government Information Quarterly•2026•Referências: 17

  • The Correlates of Brazil’s Military Expenditures, 1822-1945

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Igor Acacio•ARTICLE•Brazilian Political Science Review•2026•Referências: 17

    The complex relationships between domestic factors, the armed forces, and the international system are key to analyzing any country’s defense policy. Defense spending is the most tangible product of defense policymaking. This article delves into the intricacies of those relationships by examining the correlates of the defense burden in a pre-democratic period in Brazil, where the democratically informed guns-versus-butter trade-off was not a cent…

  • Presidential Activism and Success in Foreign and Defence Policy

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, André Anselmo•ARTICLE•Political Studies Review•2024•Citada por: 4•Referências: 28

    This article investigates presidents’ foreign and defence policy activism under Portugal’s premier-presidential system from 1982 to 2021. First, the article discusses the extant literature on intra-executive conflicts in semi-presidential systems. Then, it provides an overview of Portugal’s experience with semi-presidentialism since 1976 and the powers of the Portuguese president. The third section describes all significant foreign and defence po…

  • The Brazilian Extreme-Right and China

    Open Access•Thiago P B Bessimo, Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Journal of Politics in Latin…•2024•Citada por: 2•Referências: 3

    This study examines Brazil's foreign policy towards China, focusing on the extreme-right presidency of Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022). Based on original and systematic quantitative data, we investigate the drivers behind policy variation and their implications for Brazil–China relations. Using measures of voting and speech convergence at the United Nations, legal agreements with China, and trade and investment, our data covers the period from 1995 to…

  • The Political Behavior of Defense Ministers

    Octavio Amorim Neto, Pedro Accorsi•ARTICLE•Democracy and Security•2023•Citada por: 1

    Defense ministers have not received the scholarly attention commensurate with the resources they command in national executives. This paper develops and tests propositions regarding the behavior of different types of defense ministers (military, pure experts, partisan experts, and purely partisan). Blending organizational theory and military psychology, our analysis investigates ministerial turnover in defense portfolios and relations with the le…

  • The remoteness of democratic representation

    Open Access•Gregory Michener, Octavio Amorim Neto et al.•ARTICLE•Party Politics•2023•Citada por: 2•Referências: 37

    Democratic representation is increasingly remote from citizens. Many institutions exacerbate this remoteness, but the shrinking ratio of legislative representatives to citizens is perhaps the most obvious. Around the world, the number of representatives has not kept pace with growing populations. To what extent does this distance, between citizens and their elected politicians, explain our current democratic malaise? Relying on both quantitative …

  • Regimes e intervenção política dos militares no Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Revista USP•2022

    As relações entre o poder político e as forças armadas são peça-chave para o funcionamento de quase todos os sistemas políticos. Ao longo de 200 anos de história, os militares desempenharam papel de relevo ou na criação ou no fim de todos os sete regimes políticos que o Brasil teve. Portanto, analisar o papel político das Forças Armadas brasileiras e suas consequências é tema crucial e complexo. Dialogando de forma seletiva com a vasta bibliograf…

  • Presidents and Generals

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Pedro Accorsi•ARTICLE•Armed Forces & Society•2022•Citada por: 9•Referências: 38

    Defense ministers are among the most central players in democracies' civil-military relations. This article aims to identify the determinants of the selection criteria of defense ministers in democracies and semi-democracies. More specifically, it attempts to measure the effects of systems of government on decisions to appoint civilians or military officers to head the defense ministry. We argue that some characteristics of presidentialized regim…

  • The First Year of Bolsonaro in Office

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Gabriel Alves Pimenta•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2020•Citada por: 10•Referências: 3

    The rise of Bolsonaro is the latest episode of what seems to be a Brazilian tradition of electing rightwing populists as a response to corruption, bad economic management, and disenchantment with mainstream political parties. In previous opportunities, Brazilians elected Jânio Quadros (1960) and Fernando Collor (1989). However, Bolsonaro, although very similar to both Quadros and Collor on their hostility to parties and legislative institutions, …

  • Presidential Delegation to Foreign Ministries

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andres Malamud•ARTICLE•Journal of Politics in Latin…•2020•Citada por: 6•Referências: 15

    When do presidents delegate policy-making authority to their foreign ministries? And is foreign policy unique in this respect? We posit that six international, national, and personal factors determine the opportunity and motivation of presidents to delegate, and then analyse the cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico in 1946–2015. By applying fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, we find that four combinations of factors are sufficient path…

  • The Policy-Making Capacity of Foreign Ministries in Presidential Regimes

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andres Malamud•ARTICLE•Latin American Research Review•2019

    This article investigates the sources of foreign ministries’ policy-making capacity in presidential regimes. Using the concept of family resemblance, we argue that professionalization of the diplomatic corps is a necessary condition, whereas the institutional attributions of the ministry and the degree of presidential delegation are relevant but substitutable elements. The higher the scores on either of the latter dimensions, the stronger is the …

  • The Impact of Civilians on Defense Policy in New Democracies

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Latin American Politics and Society•2019•Citada por: 2•Referências: 23

    This article argues that growing civilian direction of the defense sector should generate three consequences: greater interoperability of the armed forces, a stronger emphasis on operations outside the national territory (here called externalism), and better defense-diplomacy coordination. An original investigation of the makeup of the drafting committees of three of Brazil's national security strategy documents since the mid-1990s shows that var…

  • Despesas de Campanha e Sucesso Eleitoral nos Pleitos Legislativos Brasileiros

    Open Access•Ronaldo De Albuquerque E Arraes, Ronaldo Arraes et al.•ARTICLE•Dados•2017•Citada por: 4•Referências: 15

    Este artigo contribui para a crescente literatura nacional sobre os determinantes do sucesso em pleitos legislativos por meio da mensuração do impacto eleitoral de fatores financeiros, políticos e pessoais associados aos candidatos à Assembleia Legislativa do Ceará em 2010. Escolheu-se um estado de porte mediano para minimizar o potencial problema de endogeneidade e maximizar a homogeneidade da amostra, de modo a se obterem resultados estatístico…

  • La ciencia política en Brasil en la última década

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiane Vinente Dos Santos et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2015•Citada por: 13•Referências: 5

    El período 2005-2014 fue una de las mejores décadas de la Ciencia Política (CP) brasileña. Para que esto ocurriera, contribuyeron, en primer lugar, el crecimiento de la economía del país y el consecuente aumento del gasto público dedicado a las universidades y a la actividad científica en general y las políticas del Ministerio de Educación. También fue vital para este éxito la acción colectiva eficaz en el seno de la comunidad de politólogos bras…

  • What Determines Foreign Policy in Latin America? Systemic versus Domestic Factors in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, 1946-2008

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andres Malamud•ARTICLE•Latin American Politics and Society•2015•Citada por: 18•Referências: 31

    Is it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideologi…

  • Semi-presidentialism in lusophone countries

    Octavio Amorim Neto, Marina Costa Lobo•ARTICLE•Democratization•2014•Citada por: 5•Referências: 21

    This article analyses the degree to which diffusion of Portugal's semi-presidential constitution occurred within lusophone countries following their move to multipartism in the 1990s. To do so, we first identify the main characteristics of the 1976 Portuguese constitution. Next, the constitutional choices made in Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, São Tomé and Príncipe, and East Timor are mapped. Using existing typologies, we classify…

  • Bases políticas das transferências intergovernamentais no Brasil (1985-2004)

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andrei Gomes Simonassi•ARTICLE•Brazilian Journal of Political…•2013•Citada por: 6•Referências: 13

    The politics of intergovernmental transfers in Brazil. This article examines the political economy of public resources distribution in Brazil's federal system in 1985-2004. We propose an empirical exercise to analyze how the country's federal governments deal with the tradeoff between the provision of material wellbeing to sub-national governments (the states in our study) and the pursuit of political support from the latter. To identify the dete…

  • O Rio de Janeiro e o Estado Nacional (1946-2010)

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Dados•2013•Citada por: 4•Referências: 4

    ste artigo procura mostrar que o estudo da trajetória política de um estado específico

  • Redesenhando o Mapa Eleitoral do Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Bruno Freitas Cortez et al.•ARTICLE•Opinião Pública•2011•Citada por: 4•Referências: 9

    Este artigo oferece uma proposta de reforma incremental do sistema eleitoral da Câmara dos Deputados. A natureza incremental da proposta se funda na suposição segundo a qual o sistema político é uma arquitetura complexa e delicada, sendo a possibilidade de piorá-lo com mudanças ambiciosas e intempestivas bem maior do que a de aperfeiçoá-lo. A proposta mantém o sistema de representação proporcional com lista aberta, mas altera duas variáveis-chave…

  • Portugal's semi‐presidentialism (re)considered

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Marina Costa Lobo•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2009•Citada por: 40•Referências: 15

    This article analyses the policy‐making role of Portugal's heads of state in the period 1976–2006. Not only is Portugal rarely studied in the English language comparative literature, but there is no consensus concerning the proper definition of the country's system of government, whether it is semi‐presidential or parliamentary. This article presents new data on the Portuguese president's role in the following areas: cabinet appointment and dismi…

  • Brasil en el 2007

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Carlos Frederico Coelho et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2008•Citada por: 3

    El año 2007 estuvo marcado por un gran desencuentro. Por un lado, Lula permaneció con una alta popularidad y la economía marchó bien, por el otro, el Presidente pasó crecientes dificultades políticas con los partidos y el Congreso. Desde el punto de vista económico, la coyuntura mundial favorable trajo beneficios al país, el que presentó mejoras en diversos índices. Políticamente, una serie de problemas del Poder Legislativo, la mayoría asociada …

  • Un año inolvidable

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Carlos Frederico Coelho et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2007

    El presente artículo tiene como objetivo dar al lector una perspectiva sintética de cómo fue el año2006 para Brasil en términos de su aspectos económicos, sociales y políticos. Mediante el análisisde hechos claves y sus consecuencias, el artículo intenta permitir una comprensión preliminar de loque tuvo resonancia en Brasil durante el mencionado año. La creciente violencia urbana ha sido unade las marcas de 2006. La presentación de detalles estad…

  • Breaking the Parliamentary Chain of Delegation

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Kaare W Strøm et al.•ARTICLE•British Journal of Political…•2006•Citada por: 101

    Europe has over the past century experienced an impressive increase in the number of presidential heads of state. Many of the new democracies since the mid-1970s are semi-presidential regimes that combine a popularly elected president with the traditional features of parliamentary democracy. At the same time, the frequency of the appointment of non-partisan cabinet members has risen. Cabinet appointments are the most important personnel decisions…

  • The Presidential Calculus

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Comparative Political Studies•2006•Citada por: 145•Referências: 32

    This article proposes a decision-theoretic model to explain how cabinets help presidents implement their policy-making strategies. Presidents are assumed to have two policy-making strategies: a strategy based on the use of statutes or a strategy based on executive prerogatives. If the president's preferences and the institutional incentives and economic conditions faced favor a statutory strategy, the president is more likely to appoint a majorit…

  • La ciencia política en Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiane Vinente Dos Santos et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2005•Citada por: 7•Referências: 2

    La ciencia política brasileña logró establecerse en la década de 1970 bajo un régimen militar. A partir de la década de 1980, creció y se institucionalizó. Sin embargo, existen en el país dos formas principales de escuelas que no se comunican entre sí, una empírica y otra normativo-filosófica. Proponemos que la ciencia política, una academia que necesita todavía expandirse, encuentra en un modelo consociativo su mejor forma de organizar la intera…

Próximo
  • Electoral Institutions, Cleavage Structures, and the Number of Parties

    Octavio Amorim Neto, Gary W Cox•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1997•Citada por: 318

  • The Presidential Calculus

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Comparative Political Studies•2006•Citada por: 145•Referências: 32

    This article proposes a decision-theoretic model to explain how cabinets help presidents implement their policy-making strategies. Presidents are assumed to have two policy-making strategies: a strategy based on the use of statutes or a strategy based on executive prerogatives. If the president's preferences and the institutional incentives and economic conditions faced favor a statutory strategy, the president is more likely to appoint a majorit…

  • Breaking the Parliamentary Chain of Delegation

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Kaare W Strøm et al.•ARTICLE•British Journal of Political…•2006•Citada por: 101

    Europe has over the past century experienced an impressive increase in the number of presidential heads of state. Many of the new democracies since the mid-1970s are semi-presidential regimes that combine a popularly elected president with the traditional features of parliamentary democracy. At the same time, the frequency of the appointment of non-partisan cabinet members has risen. Cabinet appointments are the most important personnel decisions…

  • Agenda Power in Brazil's Câmara Dos Deputados, 1989–98

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Gary W Cox et al.•ARTICLE•World Politics•2003•Citada por: 64•Referências: 16

    This article examines a general proposition about democratic legislatures—that their agenda will be cartelized by any majority government—in the context of a case study of the Brazilian Camara dos Deputados (Chamber of Deputies). The main question is to identify when consistent agenda control by a single majority coalition, as opposed to agenda control by shifting majorities, has emerged in the post-1988 Camara. Consistent agenda control emerges …

  • Gabinetes presidenciais, ciclos eleitorais e disciplina legislativa no Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Dados•2000•Citada por: 61•Referências: 16

    All presidential cabinets formed in Brazil between 1985 and 1998 included politicians from more than one party and could, in principle, be defined as coalition cabinets. The article evaluates to what extent this is a valid statement as far as the legislative behavior of the cabinet parties is concerned. An indicator is proposed for measuring the rate of cabinet coalescence, based on the ratio between the percentage of ministerial posts held by ea…

  • Portugal's semi‐presidentialism (re)considered

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Marina Costa Lobo•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2009•Citada por: 40•Referências: 15

    This article analyses the policy‐making role of Portugal's heads of state in the period 1976–2006. Not only is Portugal rarely studied in the English language comparative literature, but there is no consensus concerning the proper definition of the country's system of government, whether it is semi‐presidential or parliamentary. This article presents new data on the Portuguese president's role in the following areas: cabinet appointment and dismi…

  • The Executive Connection

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Party Politics•2001•Citada por: 32•Referências: 16

    Comparative theories of legislatures have generally focused on the impact of electoral system-generated incentives on party discipline. While hypotheses advanced by this literature can explain cross-national variation in discipline, they fail to explain variation within one and the same country. This work explains the impressive cross-party and within-party variation in discipline observed in Brazil's first democracy (1946-64). We argue that part…

  • O segredo ineficiente revisto

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Dados•2003•Citada por: 31•Referências: 13

    Shugart and Carey posit that presidential democracies in which legislators have a parochial focus of representation are electorally inefficient because voters are not offered highly identifiable choices on national policies. Such systems are driven by an inefficient secret, which is essentially a nonpartisan representation of the policy process. To check the propositions of the inefficient secret model (ISM), this article investigates the aggrega…

  • The Inefficient Secret Revisited

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•2003•Citada por: 24•Referências: 12

    Shugart and Carey (1992) posit that presidential democracies in which legislators have a parochial focus of representation are electorally inefficient because voters are not offered highly identifiable choices over national policies. Such systems are driven by an inefficient secret, which is essentially a nonpartisan representation of the policy process. To check the propositions of the inefficient secret model (ISM), this article investigates th…

  • A conexão presidencial

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Dados•2001•Citada por: 20•Referências: 17

    The article provides an explanation for the enormous variation in party discipline during the Brazilian democratic experience from 1946 to 1964. The argument is that party discipline is a function of the Presidents strategies in forging coalitions in Congress. One of the main consequences of such strategies was the creation of two factions within parties, one for and the other against the President. The premise is that the size of each faction af…

  • Governos de Coalizão e Mecanismos de Alarme de Incêndio no Controle Legislativo das Medidas Provisórias

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Paulo Tafner•ARTICLE•Dados•2002•Citada por: 19•Referências: 16

    This article discusses the relationship between the Executive and Legislative Branches in Brazil with regard to the issuing of Provisional Measures (PMs) by the former. The article contends that the legal ability of the Brazilian Chief of State to issue decrees with the force of law and taking force immediately (i.e., PMs) does not imply that members of Congress have abdicated from their legislative prerogatives in favor of the Executive Branch, …

  • What Determines Foreign Policy in Latin America? Systemic versus Domestic Factors in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, 1946-2008

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andres Malamud•ARTICLE•Latin American Politics and Society•2015•Citada por: 18•Referências: 31

    Is it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideologi…

  • La ciencia política en Brasil en la última década

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiane Vinente Dos Santos et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2015•Citada por: 13•Referências: 5

    El período 2005-2014 fue una de las mejores décadas de la Ciencia Política (CP) brasileña. Para que esto ocurriera, contribuyeron, en primer lugar, el crecimiento de la economía del país y el consecuente aumento del gasto público dedicado a las universidades y a la actividad científica en general y las políticas del Ministerio de Educación. También fue vital para este éxito la acción colectiva eficaz en el seno de la comunidad de politólogos bras…

  • The First Year of Bolsonaro in Office

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Gabriel Alves Pimenta•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2020•Citada por: 10•Referências: 3

    The rise of Bolsonaro is the latest episode of what seems to be a Brazilian tradition of electing rightwing populists as a response to corruption, bad economic management, and disenchantment with mainstream political parties. In previous opportunities, Brazilians elected Jânio Quadros (1960) and Fernando Collor (1989). However, Bolsonaro, although very similar to both Quadros and Collor on their hostility to parties and legislative institutions, …

  • Presidents and Generals

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Pedro Accorsi•ARTICLE•Armed Forces & Society•2022•Citada por: 9•Referências: 38

    Defense ministers are among the most central players in democracies' civil-military relations. This article aims to identify the determinants of the selection criteria of defense ministers in democracies and semi-democracies. More specifically, it attempts to measure the effects of systems of government on decisions to appoint civilians or military officers to head the defense ministry. We argue that some characteristics of presidentialized regim…

  • Presidents and cabinets

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Hugo Borsani•ARTICLE•Studies in Comparative…•2004•Citada por: 8•Referências: 33

  • La ciencia política en Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiane Vinente Dos Santos et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2005•Citada por: 7•Referências: 2

    La ciencia política brasileña logró establecerse en la década de 1970 bajo un régimen militar. A partir de la década de 1980, creció y se institucionalizó. Sin embargo, existen en el país dos formas principales de escuelas que no se comunican entre sí, una empírica y otra normativo-filosófica. Proponemos que la ciencia política, una academia que necesita todavía expandirse, encuentra en un modelo consociativo su mejor forma de organizar la intera…

  • Presidential Delegation to Foreign Ministries

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andres Malamud•ARTICLE•Journal of Politics in Latin…•2020•Citada por: 6•Referências: 15

    When do presidents delegate policy-making authority to their foreign ministries? And is foreign policy unique in this respect? We posit that six international, national, and personal factors determine the opportunity and motivation of presidents to delegate, and then analyse the cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico in 1946–2015. By applying fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, we find that four combinations of factors are sufficient path…

  • Bases políticas das transferências intergovernamentais no Brasil (1985-2004)

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andrei Gomes Simonassi•ARTICLE•Brazilian Journal of Political…•2013•Citada por: 6•Referências: 13

    The politics of intergovernmental transfers in Brazil. This article examines the political economy of public resources distribution in Brazil's federal system in 1985-2004. We propose an empirical exercise to analyze how the country's federal governments deal with the tradeoff between the provision of material wellbeing to sub-national governments (the states in our study) and the pursuit of political support from the latter. To identify the dete…

  • Semi-presidentialism in lusophone countries

    Octavio Amorim Neto, Marina Costa Lobo•ARTICLE•Democratization•2014•Citada por: 5•Referências: 21

    This article analyses the degree to which diffusion of Portugal's semi-presidential constitution occurred within lusophone countries following their move to multipartism in the 1990s. To do so, we first identify the main characteristics of the 1976 Portuguese constitution. Next, the constitutional choices made in Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, São Tomé and Príncipe, and East Timor are mapped. Using existing typologies, we classify…

  • Presidential Activism and Success in Foreign and Defence Policy

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, André Anselmo•ARTICLE•Political Studies Review•2024•Citada por: 4•Referências: 28

    This article investigates presidents’ foreign and defence policy activism under Portugal’s premier-presidential system from 1982 to 2021. First, the article discusses the extant literature on intra-executive conflicts in semi-presidential systems. Then, it provides an overview of Portugal’s experience with semi-presidentialism since 1976 and the powers of the Portuguese president. The third section describes all significant foreign and defence po…

  • Despesas de Campanha e Sucesso Eleitoral nos Pleitos Legislativos Brasileiros

    Open Access•Ronaldo De Albuquerque E Arraes, Ronaldo Arraes et al.•ARTICLE•Dados•2017•Citada por: 4•Referências: 15

    Este artigo contribui para a crescente literatura nacional sobre os determinantes do sucesso em pleitos legislativos por meio da mensuração do impacto eleitoral de fatores financeiros, políticos e pessoais associados aos candidatos à Assembleia Legislativa do Ceará em 2010. Escolheu-se um estado de porte mediano para minimizar o potencial problema de endogeneidade e maximizar a homogeneidade da amostra, de modo a se obterem resultados estatístico…

  • O Rio de Janeiro e o Estado Nacional (1946-2010)

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Dados•2013•Citada por: 4•Referências: 4

    ste artigo procura mostrar que o estudo da trajetória política de um estado específico

  • Redesenhando o Mapa Eleitoral do Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Bruno Freitas Cortez et al.•ARTICLE•Opinião Pública•2011•Citada por: 4•Referências: 9

    Este artigo oferece uma proposta de reforma incremental do sistema eleitoral da Câmara dos Deputados. A natureza incremental da proposta se funda na suposição segundo a qual o sistema político é uma arquitetura complexa e delicada, sendo a possibilidade de piorá-lo com mudanças ambiciosas e intempestivas bem maior do que a de aperfeiçoá-lo. A proposta mantém o sistema de representação proporcional com lista aberta, mas altera duas variáveis-chave…

  • Brasil en el 2007

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Carlos Frederico Coelho et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2008•Citada por: 3

    El año 2007 estuvo marcado por un gran desencuentro. Por un lado, Lula permaneció con una alta popularidad y la economía marchó bien, por el otro, el Presidente pasó crecientes dificultades políticas con los partidos y el Congreso. Desde el punto de vista económico, la coyuntura mundial favorable trajo beneficios al país, el que presentó mejoras en diversos índices. Políticamente, una serie de problemas del Poder Legislativo, la mayoría asociada …

  • Electoral Institutions, Cleavage Structures, and the Number of Parties

    Octavio Amorim Neto, Gary W Cox•ARTICLE•American Journal of Political…•1997•Citada por: 318

  • Gabinetes presidenciais, ciclos eleitorais e disciplina legislativa no Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Dados•2000•Citada por: 61•Referências: 16

    All presidential cabinets formed in Brazil between 1985 and 1998 included politicians from more than one party and could, in principle, be defined as coalition cabinets. The article evaluates to what extent this is a valid statement as far as the legislative behavior of the cabinet parties is concerned. An indicator is proposed for measuring the rate of cabinet coalescence, based on the ratio between the percentage of ministerial posts held by ea…

  • The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•REVIEW•Political Science Quarterly•2001

    Journal Article The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil Get access The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil by Kenneth P. Serbin. Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000. 312 pp. Paper, $24.95. Octavio Amorim Neto Octavio Amorim Neto Instituto Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 116, Issue 3, Fall 2001, Pages 462–463, https://doi.…

  • The Executive Connection

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Party Politics•2001•Citada por: 32•Referências: 16

    Comparative theories of legislatures have generally focused on the impact of electoral system-generated incentives on party discipline. While hypotheses advanced by this literature can explain cross-national variation in discipline, they fail to explain variation within one and the same country. This work explains the impressive cross-party and within-party variation in discipline observed in Brazil's first democracy (1946-64). We argue that part…

  • A conexão presidencial

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Dados•2001•Citada por: 20•Referências: 17

    The article provides an explanation for the enormous variation in party discipline during the Brazilian democratic experience from 1946 to 1964. The argument is that party discipline is a function of the Presidents strategies in forging coalitions in Congress. One of the main consequences of such strategies was the creation of two factions within parties, one for and the other against the President. The premise is that the size of each faction af…

  • Presidential Cabinets, Electoral Cycles, and Coalition Discipline in Brazil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•CHAPTER•Legislative Politics in Latin…•2002

    Introduction Recent works on Latin American presidentialism (Amorim Neto 1998; Deheza 1998; Thibaut 1998) indicate that the frequency of coalition governments in this area is higher than expected by comparative theorists of this system of government (Jones 1995; Lijphart 1992; Linz 1994). While such a finding reveals that Third World presidential democracies are able to devise extraconstitutional means by which the crisis proclivity of minority p…

  • De João Goulart a Hugo Chávez

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Opinião Pública•2002•Citada por: 1•Referências: 5

    Valendo-se das hipóteses formuladas por Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos para explicar o golpe de 1964 no Brasil, o texto procura identificar as condições que propiciaram a ruptura institucional havida na Venezuela em 1999. A análise de dados relativos à produção legislativa e à distribuição de cadeiras parlamentares e de preferências ideológicas, entre 1959 e 1999, indica que as hipóteses de Santos têm um considerável poder explicativo da crise po…

  • Governos de Coalizão e Mecanismos de Alarme de Incêndio no Controle Legislativo das Medidas Provisórias

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Paulo Tafner•ARTICLE•Dados•2002•Citada por: 19•Referências: 16

    This article discusses the relationship between the Executive and Legislative Branches in Brazil with regard to the issuing of Provisional Measures (PMs) by the former. The article contends that the legal ability of the Brazilian Chief of State to issue decrees with the force of law and taking force immediately (i.e., PMs) does not imply that members of Congress have abdicated from their legislative prerogatives in favor of the Executive Branch, …

  • The Puzzle of Party Discipline in Brazil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Latin American Politics and Society•2002•Citada por: 1•Referências: 14

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  • Agenda Power in Brazil's Câmara Dos Deputados, 1989–98

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Gary W Cox et al.•ARTICLE•World Politics•2003•Citada por: 64•Referências: 16

    This article examines a general proposition about democratic legislatures—that their agenda will be cartelized by any majority government—in the context of a case study of the Brazilian Camara dos Deputados (Chamber of Deputies). The main question is to identify when consistent agenda control by a single majority coalition, as opposed to agenda control by shifting majorities, has emerged in the post-1988 Camara. Consistent agenda control emerges …

  • The Inefficient Secret Revisited

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Legislative Studies Quarterly•2003•Citada por: 24•Referências: 12

    Shugart and Carey (1992) posit that presidential democracies in which legislators have a parochial focus of representation are electorally inefficient because voters are not offered highly identifiable choices over national policies. Such systems are driven by an inefficient secret, which is essentially a nonpartisan representation of the policy process. To check the propositions of the inefficient secret model (ISM), this article investigates th…

  • O segredo ineficiente revisto

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Dados•2003•Citada por: 31•Referências: 13

    Shugart and Carey posit that presidential democracies in which legislators have a parochial focus of representation are electorally inefficient because voters are not offered highly identifiable choices on national policies. Such systems are driven by an inefficient secret, which is essentially a nonpartisan representation of the policy process. To check the propositions of the inefficient secret model (ISM), this article investigates the aggrega…

  • Presidents and cabinets

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Hugo Borsani•ARTICLE•Studies in Comparative…•2004•Citada por: 8•Referências: 33

  • La ciencia política en Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiane Vinente Dos Santos et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2005•Citada por: 7•Referências: 2

    La ciencia política brasileña logró establecerse en la década de 1970 bajo un régimen militar. A partir de la década de 1980, creció y se institucionalizó. Sin embargo, existen en el país dos formas principales de escuelas que no se comunican entre sí, una empírica y otra normativo-filosófica. Proponemos que la ciencia política, una academia que necesita todavía expandirse, encuentra en un modelo consociativo su mejor forma de organizar la intera…

  • Breaking the Parliamentary Chain of Delegation

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Kaare W Strøm et al.•ARTICLE•British Journal of Political…•2006•Citada por: 101

    Europe has over the past century experienced an impressive increase in the number of presidential heads of state. Many of the new democracies since the mid-1970s are semi-presidential regimes that combine a popularly elected president with the traditional features of parliamentary democracy. At the same time, the frequency of the appointment of non-partisan cabinet members has risen. Cabinet appointments are the most important personnel decisions…

  • The Presidential Calculus

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto•ARTICLE•Comparative Political Studies•2006•Citada por: 145•Referências: 32

    This article proposes a decision-theoretic model to explain how cabinets help presidents implement their policy-making strategies. Presidents are assumed to have two policy-making strategies: a strategy based on the use of statutes or a strategy based on executive prerogatives. If the president's preferences and the institutional incentives and economic conditions faced favor a statutory strategy, the president is more likely to appoint a majorit…

  • Un año inolvidable

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Carlos Frederico Coelho et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2007

    El presente artículo tiene como objetivo dar al lector una perspectiva sintética de cómo fue el año2006 para Brasil en términos de su aspectos económicos, sociales y políticos. Mediante el análisisde hechos claves y sus consecuencias, el artículo intenta permitir una comprensión preliminar de loque tuvo resonancia en Brasil durante el mencionado año. La creciente violencia urbana ha sido unade las marcas de 2006. La presentación de detalles estad…

  • Brasil en el 2007

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Carlos Frederico Coelho et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2008•Citada por: 3

    El año 2007 estuvo marcado por un gran desencuentro. Por un lado, Lula permaneció con una alta popularidad y la economía marchó bien, por el otro, el Presidente pasó crecientes dificultades políticas con los partidos y el Congreso. Desde el punto de vista económico, la coyuntura mundial favorable trajo beneficios al país, el que presentó mejoras en diversos índices. Políticamente, una serie de problemas del Poder Legislativo, la mayoría asociada …

  • Portugal's semi‐presidentialism (re)considered

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Marina Costa Lobo•ARTICLE•European Journal of Political…•2009•Citada por: 40•Referências: 15

    This article analyses the policy‐making role of Portugal's heads of state in the period 1976–2006. Not only is Portugal rarely studied in the English language comparative literature, but there is no consensus concerning the proper definition of the country's system of government, whether it is semi‐presidential or parliamentary. This article presents new data on the Portuguese president's role in the following areas: cabinet appointment and dismi…

  • Redesenhando o Mapa Eleitoral do Brasil

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Bruno Freitas Cortez et al.•ARTICLE•Opinião Pública•2011•Citada por: 4•Referências: 9

    Este artigo oferece uma proposta de reforma incremental do sistema eleitoral da Câmara dos Deputados. A natureza incremental da proposta se funda na suposição segundo a qual o sistema político é uma arquitetura complexa e delicada, sendo a possibilidade de piorá-lo com mudanças ambiciosas e intempestivas bem maior do que a de aperfeiçoá-lo. A proposta mantém o sistema de representação proporcional com lista aberta, mas altera duas variáveis-chave…

  • Bases políticas das transferências intergovernamentais no Brasil (1985-2004)

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andrei Gomes Simonassi•ARTICLE•Brazilian Journal of Political…•2013•Citada por: 6•Referências: 13

    The politics of intergovernmental transfers in Brazil. This article examines the political economy of public resources distribution in Brazil's federal system in 1985-2004. We propose an empirical exercise to analyze how the country's federal governments deal with the tradeoff between the provision of material wellbeing to sub-national governments (the states in our study) and the pursuit of political support from the latter. To identify the dete…

  • O Rio de Janeiro e o Estado Nacional (1946-2010)

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiano Santos•ARTICLE•Dados•2013•Citada por: 4•Referências: 4

    ste artigo procura mostrar que o estudo da trajetória política de um estado específico

  • Semi-presidentialism in lusophone countries

    Octavio Amorim Neto, Marina Costa Lobo•ARTICLE•Democratization•2014•Citada por: 5•Referências: 21

    This article analyses the degree to which diffusion of Portugal's semi-presidential constitution occurred within lusophone countries following their move to multipartism in the 1990s. To do so, we first identify the main characteristics of the 1976 Portuguese constitution. Next, the constitutional choices made in Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, São Tomé and Príncipe, and East Timor are mapped. Using existing typologies, we classify…

  • La ciencia política en Brasil en la última década

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Fabiane Vinente Dos Santos et al.•ARTICLE•Revista de ciencia política•2015•Citada por: 13•Referências: 5

    El período 2005-2014 fue una de las mejores décadas de la Ciencia Política (CP) brasileña. Para que esto ocurriera, contribuyeron, en primer lugar, el crecimiento de la economía del país y el consecuente aumento del gasto público dedicado a las universidades y a la actividad científica en general y las políticas del Ministerio de Educación. También fue vital para este éxito la acción colectiva eficaz en el seno de la comunidad de politólogos bras…

  • What Determines Foreign Policy in Latin America? Systemic versus Domestic Factors in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, 1946-2008

    Open Access•Octavio Amorim Neto, Andres Malamud•ARTICLE•Latin American Politics and Society•2015•Citada por: 18•Referências: 31

    Is it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideologi…

Political science (32 obras) · Law (20 obras) · Politics (20 obras) · Politics and Society in Latin America (19 obras) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (16 obras) · Law (15 obras) · Public Administration (14 obras) · Political economy (10 obras) · Presidential system (10 obras) · Public Administration (10 obras)

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