J-Marc Authier
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 747803 |
|---|---|
| NOME | J-Marc Authier |
| PRENOMES | J-Marc |
| SOBRENOME | Authier |
| ASSINATURA | AUTHIER J |
| AFILIAÇÕES | Pennsylvania State University |
| VERIFICADO | Não |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 13 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 14 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 13 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 1990 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 2 |
French clausal ellipsis
This article confirms the existence in French of an overt morphological correlate to Merchant’s abstract E-feature, which I call special le . Taking as a point of departure my claim in previous work that special le is, in Modern French, the obligatory phonological realization of the E-feature in French predicate ellipsis, I undertake a close examination of a different type of ellipsis, namely, clausal ellipsis. I first show that, with the excepti…
French Predicate Anaphora, Comparatives, and Ellipsis
While French does not display the kind of VP-ellipsis found in languages like English, it effects verbal anaphora by means of two constructions that have received relatively little attention in the literature. Both of these combine the generic ‘action verb’ faire ‘do’ with what appears to be a pronoun. The first one, which I call le-faire anaphora (LFA), uses the clitic le , whereas the second one, which I call faire-ça anaphora (FCA), brings int…
On the comparative analysis of French (ne) … que exceptives
This article takes a close look at recent proposals that French (ne) ... que exceptives are hidden comparatives involving two silent elements: a covert n-word and a phonologically unrealized autre ‘other’ introducing a partially elided comparative clausal standard headed by que ‘than’. I show that assuming the constant presence of an n-word in the exceptive construction allows us to provide inter alia a scopal treatment of the fact that (ne) ... …
Symmetric Reciprocal Semantics as a Predictor of Partial Control
Wilkinson (1971) and Lawler (1972) originally observed the phenomenon of partial control (PC). Descriptively, PC refers to situations in which the reference of PRO must include that of an overt argument in the matrix clause, but is not exhaustively determined by that argument. The effects of PC are best observed in sentences like (1a), which contain an infinitival whose predicate is unambiguously collective (i.e., one that requires, rather than j…
Phase-Edge Features and the Syntax of Polarity Particles
In this article, I argue that the phase edge in the C field shares features via Agree with an intermediate layer (FinP) and with a lower projection (ΣP), allowing it to determine the type of clause and its polarity. I adopt a feature-sharing relation of Agree that connects all of the polarity features present on heads (be they Σ, Fin, and, in some cases, VFoc) to a polarity feature in Force, the relevant phase-edge position for clausal typing. Th…
Clausal complementation and the status of French à/de ce que
The Diverse Nature of Noninterrogative Wh
October 01 2005 The Diverse Nature of Noninterrogative Wh In Special Collection: CogNet J.-Marc Authier, J.-Marc Authier Pennsylvania State University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Lisa Reed Lisa Reed Pennsylvania State University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information J.-Marc Authier Pennsylvania State University Lisa Reed Pennsylvania State Universit…
Formal Perspectives on Romance Linguistics
On Some Split Binding Paradigms
Conventional Form
Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session Dedicated to the Contributions of Charles J. Fillmore (1994)
On the Syntactic Status of French Affected Datives
A parametric account of V-governed arbitrary null arguments
De la sémantique du or affectif et des coordinations elliptiques
Parmi les analyses récentes dont le but est de rendre compte de la distribution des lexèmes à polarité négative (LPN) en anglais, comme par exemple les faits contrastifs concernant any en (1a) vs (1b), deux traitements radicalement opposés retiennent l’attention du linguiste. (1) a. Paul didn’t catch any fish today. b. *Paul caught any fish today
Phase-Edge Features and the Syntax of Polarity Particles
In this article, I argue that the phase edge in the C field shares features via Agree with an intermediate layer (FinP) and with a lower projection (ΣP), allowing it to determine the type of clause and its polarity. I adopt a feature-sharing relation of Agree that connects all of the polarity features present on heads (be they Σ, Fin, and, in some cases, VFoc) to a polarity feature in Force, the relevant phase-edge position for clausal typing. Th…
A parametric account of V-governed arbitrary null arguments
Symmetric Reciprocal Semantics as a Predictor of Partial Control
Wilkinson (1971) and Lawler (1972) originally observed the phenomenon of partial control (PC). Descriptively, PC refers to situations in which the reference of PRO must include that of an overt argument in the matrix clause, but is not exhaustively determined by that argument. The effects of PC are best observed in sentences like (1a), which contain an infinitival whose predicate is unambiguously collective (i.e., one that requires, rather than j…
The Diverse Nature of Noninterrogative Wh
October 01 2005 The Diverse Nature of Noninterrogative Wh In Special Collection: CogNet J.-Marc Authier, J.-Marc Authier Pennsylvania State University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Lisa Reed Lisa Reed Pennsylvania State University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information J.-Marc Authier Pennsylvania State University Lisa Reed Pennsylvania State Universit…
Clausal complementation and the status of French à/de ce que
On Some Split Binding Paradigms
De la sémantique du or affectif et des coordinations elliptiques
Parmi les analyses récentes dont le but est de rendre compte de la distribution des lexèmes à polarité négative (LPN) en anglais, comme par exemple les faits contrastifs concernant any en (1a) vs (1b), deux traitements radicalement opposés retiennent l’attention du linguiste. (1) a. Paul didn’t catch any fish today. b. *Paul caught any fish today
On the Syntactic Status of French Affected Datives
A parametric account of V-governed arbitrary null arguments
Conventional Form
Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session Dedicated to the Contributions of Charles J. Fillmore (1994)
On Some Split Binding Paradigms
Formal Perspectives on Romance Linguistics
The Diverse Nature of Noninterrogative Wh
October 01 2005 The Diverse Nature of Noninterrogative Wh In Special Collection: CogNet J.-Marc Authier, J.-Marc Authier Pennsylvania State University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Lisa Reed Lisa Reed Pennsylvania State University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information J.-Marc Authier Pennsylvania State University Lisa Reed Pennsylvania State Universit…
Clausal complementation and the status of French à/de ce que
Phase-Edge Features and the Syntax of Polarity Particles
In this article, I argue that the phase edge in the C field shares features via Agree with an intermediate layer (FinP) and with a lower projection (ΣP), allowing it to determine the type of clause and its polarity. I adopt a feature-sharing relation of Agree that connects all of the polarity features present on heads (be they Σ, Fin, and, in some cases, VFoc) to a polarity feature in Force, the relevant phase-edge position for clausal typing. Th…
Symmetric Reciprocal Semantics as a Predictor of Partial Control
Wilkinson (1971) and Lawler (1972) originally observed the phenomenon of partial control (PC). Descriptively, PC refers to situations in which the reference of PRO must include that of an overt argument in the matrix clause, but is not exhaustively determined by that argument. The effects of PC are best observed in sentences like (1a), which contain an infinitival whose predicate is unambiguously collective (i.e., one that requires, rather than j…
On the comparative analysis of French (ne) … que exceptives
This article takes a close look at recent proposals that French (ne) ... que exceptives are hidden comparatives involving two silent elements: a covert n-word and a phonologically unrealized autre ‘other’ introducing a partially elided comparative clausal standard headed by que ‘than’. I show that assuming the constant presence of an n-word in the exceptive construction allows us to provide inter alia a scopal treatment of the fact that (ne) ... …
French Predicate Anaphora, Comparatives, and Ellipsis
While French does not display the kind of VP-ellipsis found in languages like English, it effects verbal anaphora by means of two constructions that have received relatively little attention in the literature. Both of these combine the generic ‘action verb’ faire ‘do’ with what appears to be a pronoun. The first one, which I call le-faire anaphora (LFA), uses the clitic le , whereas the second one, which I call faire-ça anaphora (FCA), brings int…
French clausal ellipsis
This article confirms the existence in French of an overt morphological correlate to Merchant’s abstract E-feature, which I call special le . Taking as a point of departure my claim in previous work that special le is, in Modern French, the obligatory phonological realization of the E-feature in French predicate ellipsis, I undertake a close examination of a different type of ellipsis, namely, clausal ellipsis. I first show that, with the excepti…
Philosophy (12 obras) · Linguistics (11 obras) · Computer Science (9 obras) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (9 obras) · Linguistics and Discourse Analysis (8 obras) · Mathematics (6 obras) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (4 obras) · Artificial Intelligence (3 obras) · Artificial Intelligence (3 obras) · Epistemology (3 obras)