Outi Bat-El
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 774089 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Outi Bat-El |
| PRENOMES | Outi |
| SOBRENOME | Bat-El |
| ASSINATURA | BAT-EL O |
| AFILIAÇÕES | Tel Aviv University |
| VERIFICADO | Não |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 19 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 48 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 19 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 1988 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2023 |
| ÍNDICE H | 3 |
The roots of consonant bias in semitic languages
Biblical Hebrew segholates
Most studies agree that the input (i.e. the base) of a segholate paradigm in Biblical Hebrew is prosodically CVCC . However, such an input leads to an analysis that does not comply with universal typology of vowel strength, an analysis where vowel alternation not only affects a strong (stressed) position but also triggered by a (weak) epenthetic vowel. In this paper, we provide an alternative analysis, which postulates the surface singular form a…
Modern Hebrew stress
The paper provides a comprehensive description of the phonology and phonetics of Hebrew stress. The distribution of the stress patterns draws a categorial distinction between verbs and nouns, and enhances the typologically uncommon disparity between the most common pattern (final stress) and the default pattern (penultimate stress). As the acoustic studies reveal, the main cue for Hebrew stress is duration, though the duration contrast is elimina…
A note from the editors
Syllable structure and complex onsets in Modern Hebrew
Modern Hebrew allows for a diverse variety of syllable structures, allowing syllables with codas, onsetless syllables, and complex syllable margins. Syllables with a complex onset are found in word initial position, mostly in nouns, and syllables with a complex coda are less common. In this paper, we provide the distribution of syllable types in Modern Hebrew, noting differences between verbs and nouns, native words and loanwords, as well as diff…
Multiple defaults
Inter-paradigm leveling in Hebrew verbal system
Phonological Constraints on Morphological Development
This paper studies the effect of phonological development on the acquisition of Hebrew verb inflectional suffixes, comparing between two monolingual typically developing children (SR and RM). Examination of the order at which the suffixes appeared in the children’s speech reveals one distinction; SR produced the number (plural) suffix -im before the person (1st singular) suffix -ti, while RM produced these suffixes in the opposite order. All othe…
A Note from the Guest Editor
When Do Universal Preferences Emerge in Language Development? The Acquisition of Hebrew Stress
When children have to select one of two structures, do they start with the universally unmarked structure or with the one preferred by the ambient language? This question is directly relevant to metrical systems, which often employ either iambs or the universally unmarked trochees. We argue that children start with the universally unmarked trochaic foot, unless their ambient language provides them with sufficient data to arrive at the language-sp…
Harmonic domains and synchronization in typically and atypically developing Hebrew-speaking children
Consonant Identity and Consonant Copy
The article addresses two issues regarding Hebrew reduplication: (a) the distinction between reduplicated and nonreduplicated stems with identical consonants (e.g., minen 'to apportion' vs. mimen 'to finance'), and (b) the patterns of reduplication (C1VC2VC2C, C1VC2C3VC3C,C1VC2C1CVC2C, and C1C2VC3C2CVC3C). These issues are studied from a surface point of view, accounting for speakers' capacity to parse forms with identical consonants regardless o…
The emergence of the trochaic foot in Hebrew hypocoristics
The paper provides an optimality-theoretic analysis of the prosodic structure and stress patterns in templatic and non-templatic hypocoristics in Hebrew. It is designed to illustrate the emergence of the trochaic foot, whose role elsewhere in the language is rather limited. The trochaic foot has been shown to determine the structure of templatic hypocoristics in various languages; this is also true in Hebrew. In addition, it plays a major role in…
True Truncation in Colloquial Hebrew Imperatives
There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, fake truncation (templatic) and true truncation (a-templatic, subtractive). This article provides an analysis of true truncation in colloquial Hebrew imperatives. It is shown that true truncation cannot target a designated phonological unit, since in some forms CV is truncated and in others only V. In addition, there are cases where truncation is blocked. The …
On the visibility of word-internal morphological features
In this paper I argue that word-internal morphological features can be visible. I present a case from Hebrew, where plural formation of feminine diminutive nouns is blocked due to features associated with an internal suffix. The feminine diminutive form yaldonet (little girl) consists of a base yeled (boy), a diminutive suffix -on, and a feminine suffix -et ; -on is specified for [-Fem] and -et for [+Fem]. The plural suffixes in Hebrew are subcat…
Selecting the best of the worst
Blends, also called portmanteau words, are formed by fusing two words into one new word, where internal portions of the base words are often subtracted (one segmental string from the right part of the first word and another from the left part of the second word). For example, the English blend nixonomics has been formed by combining nixon and economics and subtracting the string neco . (For clarity of exposition, blends will be usually represente…
Stem modification and cluster transfer in Modern Hebrew
Parasitic Metrification in the Modern Hebrew stress system
L'article fournit une analyse de l'accent du nom en hebreu moderne dans le cadre de la theorie de la grille metrique. Deux propositions nouvelles sont avancees, elles concernent le concept de la metrification parasite, capable de predire le placement de l'accent deplace, et la regle supplementaire s'appliquant a la distribution de l'accent secondaire. Ces propositions etant necessaires pour une explication de l'accent en hebreu moderne, l'auteur …
Distinctive nasality in Kwawu a prosodic account
Nasality in Kwawu is distinctive in vowels but predictable in consonants. This uncommon distribution is interpreted here in prosodic terms. It is claimed that the feature [+nasal] is represented on morae rather than on individual segments. The assignment of the feature [+nasal] is integrated with syllabification rules, which explains the prosodic characteristics of nasality. Further evidence is drawn from the distribution of nasality in reduplica…
Stem modification and cluster transfer in Modern Hebrew
Inter-paradigm leveling in Hebrew verbal system
True Truncation in Colloquial Hebrew Imperatives
There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, fake truncation (templatic) and true truncation (a-templatic, subtractive). This article provides an analysis of true truncation in colloquial Hebrew imperatives. It is shown that true truncation cannot target a designated phonological unit, since in some forms CV is truncated and in others only V. In addition, there are cases where truncation is blocked. The …
Consonant Identity and Consonant Copy
The article addresses two issues regarding Hebrew reduplication: (a) the distinction between reduplicated and nonreduplicated stems with identical consonants (e.g., minen 'to apportion' vs. mimen 'to finance'), and (b) the patterns of reduplication (C1VC2VC2C, C1VC2C3VC3C,C1VC2C1CVC2C, and C1C2VC3C2CVC3C). These issues are studied from a surface point of view, accounting for speakers' capacity to parse forms with identical consonants regardless o…
On the visibility of word-internal morphological features
In this paper I argue that word-internal morphological features can be visible. I present a case from Hebrew, where plural formation of feminine diminutive nouns is blocked due to features associated with an internal suffix. The feminine diminutive form yaldonet (little girl) consists of a base yeled (boy), a diminutive suffix -on, and a feminine suffix -et ; -on is specified for [-Fem] and -et for [+Fem]. The plural suffixes in Hebrew are subcat…
Multiple defaults
Distinctive nasality in Kwawu a prosodic account
Nasality in Kwawu is distinctive in vowels but predictable in consonants. This uncommon distribution is interpreted here in prosodic terms. It is claimed that the feature [+nasal] is represented on morae rather than on individual segments. The assignment of the feature [+nasal] is integrated with syllabification rules, which explains the prosodic characteristics of nasality. Further evidence is drawn from the distribution of nasality in reduplica…
Parasitic Metrification in the Modern Hebrew stress system
L'article fournit une analyse de l'accent du nom en hebreu moderne dans le cadre de la theorie de la grille metrique. Deux propositions nouvelles sont avancees, elles concernent le concept de la metrification parasite, capable de predire le placement de l'accent deplace, et la regle supplementaire s'appliquant a la distribution de l'accent secondaire. Ces propositions etant necessaires pour une explication de l'accent en hebreu moderne, l'auteur …
Stem modification and cluster transfer in Modern Hebrew
Selecting the best of the worst
Blends, also called portmanteau words, are formed by fusing two words into one new word, where internal portions of the base words are often subtracted (one segmental string from the right part of the first word and another from the left part of the second word). For example, the English blend nixonomics has been formed by combining nixon and economics and subtracting the string neco . (For clarity of exposition, blends will be usually represente…
On the visibility of word-internal morphological features
In this paper I argue that word-internal morphological features can be visible. I present a case from Hebrew, where plural formation of feminine diminutive nouns is blocked due to features associated with an internal suffix. The feminine diminutive form yaldonet (little girl) consists of a base yeled (boy), a diminutive suffix -on, and a feminine suffix -et ; -on is specified for [-Fem] and -et for [+Fem]. The plural suffixes in Hebrew are subcat…
True Truncation in Colloquial Hebrew Imperatives
There are two types of truncation that yield shortening of a morphological constituent, fake truncation (templatic) and true truncation (a-templatic, subtractive). This article provides an analysis of true truncation in colloquial Hebrew imperatives. It is shown that true truncation cannot target a designated phonological unit, since in some forms CV is truncated and in others only V. In addition, there are cases where truncation is blocked. The …
The emergence of the trochaic foot in Hebrew hypocoristics
The paper provides an optimality-theoretic analysis of the prosodic structure and stress patterns in templatic and non-templatic hypocoristics in Hebrew. It is designed to illustrate the emergence of the trochaic foot, whose role elsewhere in the language is rather limited. The trochaic foot has been shown to determine the structure of templatic hypocoristics in various languages; this is also true in Hebrew. In addition, it plays a major role in…
Consonant Identity and Consonant Copy
The article addresses two issues regarding Hebrew reduplication: (a) the distinction between reduplicated and nonreduplicated stems with identical consonants (e.g., minen 'to apportion' vs. mimen 'to finance'), and (b) the patterns of reduplication (C1VC2VC2C, C1VC2C3VC3C,C1VC2C1CVC2C, and C1C2VC3C2CVC3C). These issues are studied from a surface point of view, accounting for speakers' capacity to parse forms with identical consonants regardless o…
When Do Universal Preferences Emerge in Language Development? The Acquisition of Hebrew Stress
When children have to select one of two structures, do they start with the universally unmarked structure or with the one preferred by the ambient language? This question is directly relevant to metrical systems, which often employ either iambs or the universally unmarked trochees. We argue that children start with the universally unmarked trochaic foot, unless their ambient language provides them with sufficient data to arrive at the language-sp…
Harmonic domains and synchronization in typically and atypically developing Hebrew-speaking children
Phonological Constraints on Morphological Development
This paper studies the effect of phonological development on the acquisition of Hebrew verb inflectional suffixes, comparing between two monolingual typically developing children (SR and RM). Examination of the order at which the suffixes appeared in the children’s speech reveals one distinction; SR produced the number (plural) suffix -im before the person (1st singular) suffix -ti, while RM produced these suffixes in the opposite order. All othe…
A Note from the Guest Editor
Inter-paradigm leveling in Hebrew verbal system
Multiple defaults
Modern Hebrew stress
The paper provides a comprehensive description of the phonology and phonetics of Hebrew stress. The distribution of the stress patterns draws a categorial distinction between verbs and nouns, and enhances the typologically uncommon disparity between the most common pattern (final stress) and the default pattern (penultimate stress). As the acoustic studies reveal, the main cue for Hebrew stress is duration, though the duration contrast is elimina…
A note from the editors
Syllable structure and complex onsets in Modern Hebrew
Modern Hebrew allows for a diverse variety of syllable structures, allowing syllables with codas, onsetless syllables, and complex syllable margins. Syllables with a complex onset are found in word initial position, mostly in nouns, and syllables with a complex coda are less common. In this paper, we provide the distribution of syllable types in Modern Hebrew, noting differences between verbs and nouns, native words and loanwords, as well as diff…
Biblical Hebrew segholates
Most studies agree that the input (i.e. the base) of a segholate paradigm in Biblical Hebrew is prosodically CVCC . However, such an input leads to an analysis that does not comply with universal typology of vowel strength, an analysis where vowel alternation not only affects a strong (stressed) position but also triggered by a (weak) epenthetic vowel. In this paper, we provide an alternative analysis, which postulates the surface singular form a…
The roots of consonant bias in semitic languages
Linguistics (17 obras) · Philosophy (16 obras) · Computer Science (15 obras) · Phonetics and Phonology Research (15 obras) · Hebrew (14 obras) · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation (11 obras) · Mathematics (9 obras) · Natural Language Processing Techniques (9 obras) · History (7 obras) · Consonant (5 obras)