Yalidy Matos
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 844709 |
|---|---|
| NOME | Yalidy Matos |
| PRENOMES | Yalidy |
| SOBRENOME | Matos |
| ASSINATURA | MATOS Y |
| AFILIAÇÕES | Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey |
| ORCID | 0000-0002-3926-7015 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 16 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 69 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 16 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2017 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2025 |
| ÍNDICE H | 5 |
The Boundaries of “Women of Color
Women candidates are increasingly referred to as "women of color." But who the public sees as women of color is unclear. We ask how non-Hispanic whites, who are still the largest voting group, perceive which racial/ethnic groups of women are included in the "women of color" group. We find heterogeneity in who white Americans believe are "women of color" – differences that are connected to political support for women of color candidates. We analyz…
In Solidarity
We seek to unpack and complicate traditional findings of Black Americans’ ambivalent progressivism of immigrants and immigration by seriously considering gender as an analytic tool. Specifically, we aim to highlight how Black women’s political and social uniqueness contextualizes their perception of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration. We argue that Black women’s unique race and gendered experiences inform Black women’s attitudes and pref…
The Political Implications of Identifying as a "Woman of Color" for Latina and Asian American Women
Latinas and Asian American women are often labeled "women of color" (WOC). But taking up the identity of WOC is a choice; not all Latinas and Asian American women self-identify as WOC. Building on intersectionality theory and recent work on "of color" identities, we propose that WOC identification has the potential to translate into broader political alliances with other marginalized groups. We evaluate this expectation with data from the 2020 Co…
Response to Asad L. Asad’s Review of Moral and Immoral Whiteness in Immigration Politics
Men of Color, Linked Fate, and Support for Women of Color Candidates
Scholars are increasingly interested in "of color" identities. Yet, studies of "of color" identities have neglected attention to the gendered identities of men who could be categorized as "of color." Meanwhile, women of color are playing a growing role in US politics as candidates and elected officials but are underrepresented in comparison with their presence in the population. We investigate whether Black and Latino men express a "men of color"…
Moral and Immoral Whiteness in Immigration Politics
Immigration has been at the heart of U.S. politics for centuries. This book examines the inherent moral, value-based nature of white Americans’ immigration attitudes. The book tests a theory about the centrality of morality with a series of empirical models that take advantage of public opinion survey data as well as the roll call votes of elected officials. Ultimately, the book argues that white Americans’ immigration attitudes are at bottom mor…
Women Voters and the Utility of Campaigning as “Women of Color
Women candidates from underrepresented racial and ethnic groups must cast a wide net when attracting voter support to win elections. One aspect of their candidate profile is the ability to campaign explicitly as a "woman of color." Despite increased media usage of the term women of color, few academic studies focus on whether and how this term resonates with voters. We analyze original survey data collected in 2020 to probe voter reaction to the …
The politics of pronouns
Outgroup hostility and racialized language were the most important predictors of support for Trump in the 2016 election season. Some scholarship argues that outgroup hostility outweighs the importance of white ingroup attitudes. Using a mix-methods content analysis of Trump’s campaign speeches, this paper agrees that outgroup hostility was the primary rhetorical device used by Trump in his speeches in both the primary and general elections. This …
The politics of “women of color”
The political term “women of color” (WOC) emerged in the late 1970s in Black feminist organizing spaces as a rejection of a singular emphasis on a woman identity. At that time, a WOC identity signaled a political commitment to solidarity politics. Currently, the term “women of color” (WOC) is used by the media and among politicians but without much explicit discussion of its history. Given WOC’s continued presence in American politics, the questi…
Proximal contact with Latino immigrants and immigration attitudes
The growth of the Latino community has increased levels of contact between this minority group and the predominately white majority. How does exposure to immigrants impact attitudes towards immigrants and immigration held by white Americans? We argue that previous work has not adequately tested the relationship posited by inter-group contact theory, whereby contact should shape policy attitudes. We test our theory drawing on the 2018 Cooperative …
Dominican political incorporation in the United States
Trends
Scholars frequently invoke the term “women of color” (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gen…
The “American DREAM
The American public has overwhelmingly supported the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act since 2001. The support is widespread and cuts across race, ethnic, and party lines. Given the United States’ anti-immigrant/immigration sentiment in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, support for the DREAM Act is perplexing. To that end, political scientists, sociologists, and education scholars, among others, h…
Priming Legality
Previous work has shown public opinion toward immigrants is malleable based on how immigrants are described in media and elite rhetoric. In a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of American adults, we extend this research to test for possible priming effects that occur based on how salient documentation status is when respondents proffer opinions on Latino immigrants. Our findings show that when subjects are first asked about …
A Legacy of Exclusion
“A Legacy of Exclusion” briefly traces the historical migration of Latinas/os to the US South, countering the myth that the migration of Latinas/os to the region is new. Additionally, the piece argues that the exclusion Latinas/os face in the region is a continuation of racist policies and unequal power dynamics in the South that link Latina/o presence to a longer historical past and legacy. Through an examination of Alabama’s anti-immigration le…
Geographies of Exclusion
In this article, I examine the decisions of Arizona, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah, Indiana, and most recently, Texas to pass restrictive immigration omnibus bills and analyze the factors associated with the decision of a state to pass its own immigration law, sometimes without explicit warrant. I focus on state omnibus legislation for two main reasons. First, this type of legislation has been the focus of much media attention. Second, o…
Trends
Scholars frequently invoke the term “women of color” (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gen…
The politics of “women of color”
The political term “women of color” (WOC) emerged in the late 1970s in Black feminist organizing spaces as a rejection of a singular emphasis on a woman identity. At that time, a WOC identity signaled a political commitment to solidarity politics. Currently, the term “women of color” (WOC) is used by the media and among politicians but without much explicit discussion of its history. Given WOC’s continued presence in American politics, the questi…
Women Voters and the Utility of Campaigning as “Women of Color
Women candidates from underrepresented racial and ethnic groups must cast a wide net when attracting voter support to win elections. One aspect of their candidate profile is the ability to campaign explicitly as a "woman of color." Despite increased media usage of the term women of color, few academic studies focus on whether and how this term resonates with voters. We analyze original survey data collected in 2020 to probe voter reaction to the …
The “American DREAM
The American public has overwhelmingly supported the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act since 2001. The support is widespread and cuts across race, ethnic, and party lines. Given the United States’ anti-immigrant/immigration sentiment in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, support for the DREAM Act is perplexing. To that end, political scientists, sociologists, and education scholars, among others, h…
Geographies of Exclusion
In this article, I examine the decisions of Arizona, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah, Indiana, and most recently, Texas to pass restrictive immigration omnibus bills and analyze the factors associated with the decision of a state to pass its own immigration law, sometimes without explicit warrant. I focus on state omnibus legislation for two main reasons. First, this type of legislation has been the focus of much media attention. Second, o…
Men of Color, Linked Fate, and Support for Women of Color Candidates
Scholars are increasingly interested in "of color" identities. Yet, studies of "of color" identities have neglected attention to the gendered identities of men who could be categorized as "of color." Meanwhile, women of color are playing a growing role in US politics as candidates and elected officials but are underrepresented in comparison with their presence in the population. We investigate whether Black and Latino men express a "men of color"…
Proximal contact with Latino immigrants and immigration attitudes
The growth of the Latino community has increased levels of contact between this minority group and the predominately white majority. How does exposure to immigrants impact attitudes towards immigrants and immigration held by white Americans? We argue that previous work has not adequately tested the relationship posited by inter-group contact theory, whereby contact should shape policy attitudes. We test our theory drawing on the 2018 Cooperative …
Priming Legality
Previous work has shown public opinion toward immigrants is malleable based on how immigrants are described in media and elite rhetoric. In a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of American adults, we extend this research to test for possible priming effects that occur based on how salient documentation status is when respondents proffer opinions on Latino immigrants. Our findings show that when subjects are first asked about …
A Legacy of Exclusion
“A Legacy of Exclusion” briefly traces the historical migration of Latinas/os to the US South, countering the myth that the migration of Latinas/os to the region is new. Additionally, the piece argues that the exclusion Latinas/os face in the region is a continuation of racist policies and unequal power dynamics in the South that link Latina/o presence to a longer historical past and legacy. Through an examination of Alabama’s anti-immigration le…
The Boundaries of “Women of Color
Women candidates are increasingly referred to as "women of color." But who the public sees as women of color is unclear. We ask how non-Hispanic whites, who are still the largest voting group, perceive which racial/ethnic groups of women are included in the "women of color" group. We find heterogeneity in who white Americans believe are "women of color" – differences that are connected to political support for women of color candidates. We analyz…
The politics of pronouns
Outgroup hostility and racialized language were the most important predictors of support for Trump in the 2016 election season. Some scholarship argues that outgroup hostility outweighs the importance of white ingroup attitudes. Using a mix-methods content analysis of Trump’s campaign speeches, this paper agrees that outgroup hostility was the primary rhetorical device used by Trump in his speeches in both the primary and general elections. This …
The Political Implications of Identifying as a "Woman of Color" for Latina and Asian American Women
Latinas and Asian American women are often labeled "women of color" (WOC). But taking up the identity of WOC is a choice; not all Latinas and Asian American women self-identify as WOC. Building on intersectionality theory and recent work on "of color" identities, we propose that WOC identification has the potential to translate into broader political alliances with other marginalized groups. We evaluate this expectation with data from the 2020 Co…
Dominican political incorporation in the United States
Geographies of Exclusion
In this article, I examine the decisions of Arizona, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah, Indiana, and most recently, Texas to pass restrictive immigration omnibus bills and analyze the factors associated with the decision of a state to pass its own immigration law, sometimes without explicit warrant. I focus on state omnibus legislation for two main reasons. First, this type of legislation has been the focus of much media attention. Second, o…
A Legacy of Exclusion
“A Legacy of Exclusion” briefly traces the historical migration of Latinas/os to the US South, countering the myth that the migration of Latinas/os to the region is new. Additionally, the piece argues that the exclusion Latinas/os face in the region is a continuation of racist policies and unequal power dynamics in the South that link Latina/o presence to a longer historical past and legacy. Through an examination of Alabama’s anti-immigration le…
The politics of pronouns
Outgroup hostility and racialized language were the most important predictors of support for Trump in the 2016 election season. Some scholarship argues that outgroup hostility outweighs the importance of white ingroup attitudes. Using a mix-methods content analysis of Trump’s campaign speeches, this paper agrees that outgroup hostility was the primary rhetorical device used by Trump in his speeches in both the primary and general elections. This …
The politics of “women of color”
The political term “women of color” (WOC) emerged in the late 1970s in Black feminist organizing spaces as a rejection of a singular emphasis on a woman identity. At that time, a WOC identity signaled a political commitment to solidarity politics. Currently, the term “women of color” (WOC) is used by the media and among politicians but without much explicit discussion of its history. Given WOC’s continued presence in American politics, the questi…
Proximal contact with Latino immigrants and immigration attitudes
The growth of the Latino community has increased levels of contact between this minority group and the predominately white majority. How does exposure to immigrants impact attitudes towards immigrants and immigration held by white Americans? We argue that previous work has not adequately tested the relationship posited by inter-group contact theory, whereby contact should shape policy attitudes. We test our theory drawing on the 2018 Cooperative …
Dominican political incorporation in the United States
Trends
Scholars frequently invoke the term “women of color” (WOC) in their research, and, increasingly, the media make reference to WOC in news stories. Despite this common usage, researchers have failed to investigate whether the phrase WOC is politically advantageous. That is, do all women, black, Latina, Asian, white, and mixed-race women, support WOC candidates? This omission is unfortunate considering the large body of literature about race and gen…
The “American DREAM
The American public has overwhelmingly supported the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act since 2001. The support is widespread and cuts across race, ethnic, and party lines. Given the United States’ anti-immigrant/immigration sentiment in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, support for the DREAM Act is perplexing. To that end, political scientists, sociologists, and education scholars, among others, h…
Priming Legality
Previous work has shown public opinion toward immigrants is malleable based on how immigrants are described in media and elite rhetoric. In a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of American adults, we extend this research to test for possible priming effects that occur based on how salient documentation status is when respondents proffer opinions on Latino immigrants. Our findings show that when subjects are first asked about …
Women Voters and the Utility of Campaigning as “Women of Color
Women candidates from underrepresented racial and ethnic groups must cast a wide net when attracting voter support to win elections. One aspect of their candidate profile is the ability to campaign explicitly as a "woman of color." Despite increased media usage of the term women of color, few academic studies focus on whether and how this term resonates with voters. We analyze original survey data collected in 2020 to probe voter reaction to the …
Moral and Immoral Whiteness in Immigration Politics
Immigration has been at the heart of U.S. politics for centuries. This book examines the inherent moral, value-based nature of white Americans’ immigration attitudes. The book tests a theory about the centrality of morality with a series of empirical models that take advantage of public opinion survey data as well as the roll call votes of elected officials. Ultimately, the book argues that white Americans’ immigration attitudes are at bottom mor…
Response to Asad L. Asad’s Review of Moral and Immoral Whiteness in Immigration Politics
Men of Color, Linked Fate, and Support for Women of Color Candidates
Scholars are increasingly interested in "of color" identities. Yet, studies of "of color" identities have neglected attention to the gendered identities of men who could be categorized as "of color." Meanwhile, women of color are playing a growing role in US politics as candidates and elected officials but are underrepresented in comparison with their presence in the population. We investigate whether Black and Latino men express a "men of color"…
The Boundaries of “Women of Color
Women candidates are increasingly referred to as "women of color." But who the public sees as women of color is unclear. We ask how non-Hispanic whites, who are still the largest voting group, perceive which racial/ethnic groups of women are included in the "women of color" group. We find heterogeneity in who white Americans believe are "women of color" – differences that are connected to political support for women of color candidates. We analyz…
In Solidarity
We seek to unpack and complicate traditional findings of Black Americans’ ambivalent progressivism of immigrants and immigration by seriously considering gender as an analytic tool. Specifically, we aim to highlight how Black women’s political and social uniqueness contextualizes their perception of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration. We argue that Black women’s unique race and gendered experiences inform Black women’s attitudes and pref…
The Political Implications of Identifying as a "Woman of Color" for Latina and Asian American Women
Latinas and Asian American women are often labeled "women of color" (WOC). But taking up the identity of WOC is a choice; not all Latinas and Asian American women self-identify as WOC. Building on intersectionality theory and recent work on "of color" identities, we propose that WOC identification has the potential to translate into broader political alliances with other marginalized groups. We evaluate this expectation with data from the 2020 Co…
Law (14 obras) · Political science (14 obras) · Sociology (13 obras) · Politics (12 obras) · Law (11 obras) · Psychology (9 obras) · Electoral Systems and Political Participation (8 obras) · Gender Studies (8 obras) · Immigration (8 obras) · Migration, Refugees, and Integration (7 obras)