J Nagle
Dados Biográficos
| ID | 8470 |
|---|---|
| NOME | J Nagle |
| PRENOMES | J |
| SOBRENOME | Nagle |
| ASSINATURA | NAGLE J |
| AFILIAÇÕES | University of Aberdeen |
| ORCID | 0000-0001-8836-9942 |
| VERIFICADO | Sim |
| TOTAL DE OBRAS | 57 |
| TOTAL DE CITAÇÕES | 412 |
| TOTAL COMO AUTOR | 57 |
| TOTAL COMO EDITOR | 0 |
| PRIMEIRO ANO DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 1990 |
| ANO MAIS RECENTE DE PUBLICAÇÃO | 2026 |
| ÍNDICE H | 11 |
Queer Agonistic Peacebuilding
This article brings Mouffe’s agonistic democracy into dialogue with queer peacebuilding to analyse how LGBTQ + mobilisation reopens democratic space in post-conflict societies. Post-conflict orders often seek to tame antagonistic conflict by accommodating the main groups while reproducing exclusion through heteronormative “shared rules”—norms of respectability, family citizenship, and moral regulation that determine who can appear as a legitimate…
Space, Security and Sovereign Power
Following the outbreak of protests across Bahrain in 2011, the ruling Al Khalifa family deployed a range of strategies to secure its survival. At the core of such strategies was the securitisation of protest and the construction of threats predicated on geopolitically charged sectarian affinity. While much has been written on the securitisation and sectarianisation of Bahrain’s Shi’a community, particular attention is paid here to the spatial dim…
Contesting Power-sharing
This introduction outlines an agenda for research on protest and power-sharing. Power-sharing scholarship has ignored grassroots contentious politics, viewing protest as a threat to the top-down model of consociationalism. Protest is thus seen as a destabilizing force, narrowing the ground needed for power-sharing elites to engage in moderative behaviour required for peace. This introductory article argues that citizen-led protest represents a br…
Contesting Power-Sharing? LGBTQ+ Activism and the Sexual Citizenship of Consociationalism
Notwithstanding valuable contributions, the relationship between power-sharing and sexuality remains undertheorized. This paper asks if consociationalism can be seen as a form of sexual citizenship, whereby rights are granted or denied based on sexuality. The question is applied to the case of Northern Ireland, through a review of the extant scholarship, analysis of the consociational institutions, and semi-structured interviews with LGBTQ+ activ…
The end of consociational power-sharing? Its causes and what can Be done
Consociational power-sharing has been described as ‘hegemonic’ as the international community’s preferred institutional framework for ending intrastate conflicts. Consociationalism’s dominance is illustrated in the emergence of a wave of new post-war power-sharing agreements two decades after the end of the Cold War. Consociational advocates have recommended power-sharing solutions for various contemporary conflicts, including Yemen, Ukraine, and…
Framing Irredentism
Although irredentism—the attempt by states to retrieve ‘lost’ lands and peoples—rarely occurs, it has highly destabilizing effects on international security and is difficult to resolve given the number of actors drawn into these conflicts. For this reason, a large body of research debates the range of factors that account for the convertibility of irredentist claims. The most plausible theories concern how material interests and ideational factor…
Protesting power-sharing
This article examines waves of citizen protest against the ethnic citizenship regime of consociational power-sharing. It seeks to contribute to research on power-sharing by bringing together the literature on "acts of citizenship" and "eventful protest" to show how protest waves in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iraq and Lebanon seek to contest, destabilize, reimagine, and enact new forms of inclusive citizenship in ethnically divided societies. While r…
Bridging capital after civil war? Protest, acts of citizenship and public space in Beirut
While research has indicated a significant role for social capital in building resilience to disaster, this relationship is more problematic in the aftermath of civil war. Social capital in such contexts risks being utilized ‘bonding capital’, which is designed to strengthen ethnic communities rather than act as an integrative agent to bring communities together. In response, policymakers and researchers have advanced the case for bridging social…
This Is Our Revolution Too”
Existing research frames ethnonationalism as homophobic, in which the queer is positioned outside of the boundaries of the ethnic nation. Less well understood is how LGBTQ activism engages with ethnonationalism, particularly in relation to questions of national self-determination. The limited research on this issue frames LGBTQ activist movements as groups that reject divisive ethnonationalisms by forging alternative cosmopolitan and transnationa…
Protesting Power-Sharing
This article places the Thawra within recent waves of protest politics in so-called divided societies, particularly the Plenum (Bosnia 2014) and Tishreen (Iraq 2019) protests. It examines the thematic connections between protest waves in relation to contesting consociational power-sharing governance, which has been deployed in Lebanon, Iraq, and Bosnia in the aftermath of civil war or political violence. While protests have addressed a range of i…
Fierce and accommodationist divided cities
Divided cities have attracted mounting scholarly attention. Yet, while the focus has largely been on how divisions are constructed, we examine the potentiality of waves of non-sectarian protest movements as urban peacebuilding actors. Towards this, we draw on comparative research on protests in two divided cities in the MENA region, Beirut (Lebanon) and Manama (Bahrain). These two cities, we argue, represent contrasting forms of divided city, mar…
Disarticulation and chains of equivalence
Divided cities are characterised by intergroup contestation over the wider issue of state legitimacy. Violent conflict has left a legacy of segregation, weak public services and clientelistic networks. Debates and practices for conflict management in divided cities centre on accommodationist or integrationist approaches. While accommodationist methods seek to recognise and accommodate ethnosectarian divisions within public institutions, it risks …
Where the state freaks out’
In this article I illuminate the production and erasure of Queerspaces in Beirut as part of postwar gentrification. A dual Beirut has emerged within assemblages of sectarian power, sexual citizenship and political economy. Commercial Queerspaces tacitly incorporated into the neoliberal and sectarian state exist while the ‘Queer unwanted’– spaces and people deemed transgressive to the moral order – are violently erased by state and non-state actor…
Consociationalism is Dead! Long Live Zombie Power‐Sharing
Scholars argue that consociationalism has become the preferred institutional tool of choice for the international community when seeking an end to civil war. This paper argues that consociationalism is increasingly becoming redundant as an institutional apparatus to end violent conflict linked to intra‐state conflict. Over the last few decades divided societies have been subjected to consociational influence. In many places consociational institu…
Defying state amnesia and memorywars
In divided societies that endure intrastate violence, ethnonational groups harness memory to support claims for territorial sovereignty and victimhood. Yet, in peace processes, rather than seek to deal with the legacy of the past, the state often enacts a culture of amnesia to support the logic of political transition, while at the communal level the rival ethnic groups proliferate commemorative practices as part of memorywars. These twin forces …
Civic identity and public space
Civic identity and public space, focussing on Belfast, and bringing together the work of a historian and two social scientists, offers a new perspective on the sometimes lethal conflicts over parades, flags and other issues that continue to disrupt political life in Northern Ireland. The first part of the book shows how these disputes had their origins in the changes that took place during the nineteenth century in the character of urban living, …
The biopolitics of victim construction, elision and contestation in Northern Ireland and Lebanon
I explore two postconflict societies – Northern Ireland and Lebanon – in regards to their different approaches to dealing with victims. While in Northern Ireland the state and other agencies have constructed a victims’ sector, Lebanon’s political elites use political amnesia to silence victims’ rights. To help conceptualize these divergent policies, I utilize two contrasting representations of the biopolitical formulated by Michel Foucault and Gi…
Frictional encounters in postwar human rights
The advancement of LGBTQI rights is now a significant component of many international aid programmes. The successful diffusion of LGBTQI rights is supposed to rest on a successful interaction between international agencies that foster global rights and social movement actors that embed these processes at the local level. Yet, these encounters between global human rights ideas and local practices may not always generate positive dynamics. Drawing …
Intervention
Violently divided cities – such as Mostar, Beirut, and Belfast – are places characterized by a deep conflict over the legitimacy of the state itself. These are places riven by ethnic and/or ethnona
Power-sharing after Civil War
Dr John Nagle is a Reader in Sociology at the University of Aberdeen. He has published three monographs and over 25 articles in leading journals. Dr John Nagle acknowledges the Leverhulme Trust for its support (Ref: 2017-616). Dr Mary-Alice Clancy is Honorary Research Fellow in the Research Institute of Irish and Scottish Studies. She has published two books and her research has been extensively covered in The Guardian, BBC and the Irish Independ…
Ethnonationalism and attitudes towards same-sex marriage and abortion in Northern Ireland
The issue of sexuality and human rights has generated increasing international attention in recent years. This is particularly the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonationalist conflict, where scholarly debates on the impact of ethnonationalism on sexual rights, such as abortion and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender people (LGBT), generate much controversy and division. It is with this disagreement in mind that this pap…
Between Co-Option and Radical Opposition
This article provides a comparative analysis of two types of power-sharing: Lebanon's corporate version and Northern Ireland's relatively liberal arrangements. Our aim is to explore whether these power-sharing institutions augment or stymie gender and LGBTQ equality, while also illuminating the complex ways in which LGBTQ movements conceptualize power-sharing. We argue that while Northern Ireland's liberal arrangements, predicated on a minority r…
Ethnic, Racial, and Nationalist Movements
Ethnic, racial, and nationalist movements represent groups that seek to gain recognition and political power on the basis of their distinct identities. These movements can switch interchangeably between being ethnic, racial, or nationalist in character by changing emphases and goals. The often fluid and contextual nature underlying these identities also allows groups to shift between categories. For the purpose of analysis, however, it is possibl…
Between Conflict and Peace
In the two decades since signing, the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) continues to generate acrimonious debate over whether it has brought about sustainable peace or fomented weak and sectarian governance institutions. In this article, I review the formation and outworking of the GFA. In so doing, I go beyond either/or analyses of the GFA to identify the complex forms of political agency it has generated, not necessarily envisioned by the Agreement's…
Ghostly Specters, Haunted Ruins and Resistance to the Amnesiac and Exclusivist Divided City
Sites of Social Centrality and Segregation
This paper applies Henri Lefebvre's ideas on participatory democracy and spatial politics to the context of “divided cities”, a milieu often overlooked by scholars of Lefebvre. It considers, via Lefebvre, how the heterogeneous and contradictory statist methods to deal with ethno‐national violence in Belfast have in effect increased segregated space. State‐led approaches to public space as part of conflict transformation strategies appear contradi…
Resurrection of the successor parties and democratization in East-Central Europe
The political re-emergence of post-communist successor parties in several nations of East-Central Europe raises the theoretical question of their role in the ongoing democratization process. This paper examines the electoral revival of successor parties in Poland, Hungary, and eastern Germany, in contrast first to the failure of the new competing social democratic parties in these nations, and then to the failure of the successor parties in the C…
Beyond ethnic entrenchment and amelioration
Research on consociational power-sharing divides on whether it provides a successful model for peacebuilding or instead exacerbates antagonistic ethnic divisions. In these debates, non-sectarian movements are either invisible or rendered as actors marginalized, co-opted, stripped of agency and disempowered by power-sharing. This article moves the focus away from "either" "or" analyses of consociationalism measuring its capacity to entrench or wea…
Constructing a shared public identity in ethno nationally divided societies
In order to bolster sustainable peace building in violently divided societies, a normative suggestion is that efforts should be made to construct a shared public identity that overarches ethnic divisions. A number of different centripetal/transformationist processes are identified as engineering a shared identity in comparison to consociational arrangements, which are accused of institutionalising ethnic differences and perpetuating conflict. The…
Unity in Diversity
Divided cities are defined by a violent conflict of ethnonationalism and characterized by semi-permanent ethnic cleavages, high levels of endogamy and social segregation. Yet the perception that divided cities are wholly framed by the politics of ethnic homogeneity is challenged by a number of its citizens who refuse to be interminably circumscribed by ethnic politics. These 'actors' mobilize in social movements that promote non-sectarian politic…
Between entrenchment, reform and transformation
Peer reviewed
Ethnonationalism and attitudes towards gay and lesbian rights in Northern Ireland
Disputes over gay and lesbian rights occupy a central place on both national and international agendas in recent years. This is also the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonational conflict where debates over gay and lesbian rights vs. ethnic‐based rights predominate. While much scholarly work focuses on the influence of socio‐demographic factors in determining attitudes toward gay and lesbian rights in postconflict societies, to date, …
Between Conflict and Peace
In the two decades since signing, the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) continues to generate acrimonious debate over whether it has brought about sustainable peace or fomented weak and sectarian governance institutions. In this article, I review the formation and outworking of the GFA. In so doing, I go beyond either/or analyses of the GFA to identify the complex forms of political agency it has generated, not necessarily envisioned by the Agreement's…
Potemkin Village
This paper examines whether neo-liberalism is becoming hegemonic in Northern Ireland. It analyses the regional government's nascent commitment to free-market solutions (public–private partnerships and neo-urbanism) to ameliorate decades of social inequality and civil conflict and to contribute towards social reconstruction. Noting the hybrid and contradictory aspects of neo-liberalism, it is argued that rather than being evidence of a complete ‘r…
What are the Consequences of Consociationalism for Sexual Minorities? An analysis of Liberal and Corporate Consociationalism and Sexual Minorities in Northern Ireland and Lebanon
Existing research on consociationalism largely debates whether or not it exacerbates ethnic cleavages. Yet, although power sharing in some circumstances can harden ethnonational identities, a correlative consequence may be to further marginalise groups outside the bounds of official inclusion. While an emerging corpus of literature looks at women and power sharing, little research has been done regarding the implications of power sharing for sexu…
The right to Belfast City Centre
Consociationalism is Dead! Long Live Zombie Power‐Sharing
Scholars argue that consociationalism has become the preferred institutional tool of choice for the international community when seeking an end to civil war. This paper argues that consociationalism is increasingly becoming redundant as an institutional apparatus to end violent conflict linked to intra‐state conflict. Over the last few decades divided societies have been subjected to consociational influence. In many places consociational institu…
Ethnonationalism and attitudes towards same-sex marriage and abortion in Northern Ireland
The issue of sexuality and human rights has generated increasing international attention in recent years. This is particularly the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonationalist conflict, where scholarly debates on the impact of ethnonationalism on sexual rights, such as abortion and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender people (LGBT), generate much controversy and division. It is with this disagreement in mind that this pap…
Power-sharing after Civil War
Dr John Nagle is a Reader in Sociology at the University of Aberdeen. He has published three monographs and over 25 articles in leading journals. Dr John Nagle acknowledges the Leverhulme Trust for its support (Ref: 2017-616). Dr Mary-Alice Clancy is Honorary Research Fellow in the Research Institute of Irish and Scottish Studies. She has published two books and her research has been extensively covered in The Guardian, BBC and the Irish Independ…
From the Politics of Antagonistic Recognition to Agonistic Peace Building
The inclusion of symbols and rituals in peace agreements is often based on the politics of recognition, in which the cultural identities of oppositional groups are awarded equal status in society. Moreover, it is often assumed that the successful regulation of conflicts over symbols and rituals is dependent on the resolution of seemingly more important issues that divide warring groups, like demilitarization and the reform of the justice system a…
Between Co-Option and Radical Opposition
This article provides a comparative analysis of two types of power-sharing: Lebanon's corporate version and Northern Ireland's relatively liberal arrangements. Our aim is to explore whether these power-sharing institutions augment or stymie gender and LGBTQ equality, while also illuminating the complex ways in which LGBTQ movements conceptualize power-sharing. We argue that while Northern Ireland's liberal arrangements, predicated on a minority r…
Ghosts, Memory, and the Right to the Divided City
Violently divided cities are incubators of ethnic conflicts. Under the auspices of postwar reconstruction, these cities are supposedly disciplined into peace through the regeneration of the city centre, including privatization, commercial adaptation and gentrification strategies. Such dynamics render city centre space amnesiac, with no reference to the history of sectarian violence, and exclusivist by limiting public access. Rather than foster pe…
Challenging Ethno-National Division
Literature on social movements in societies undergoing violent ethno-national conflict between two ‘warring factions’ has typically concentrated on civil rights, ethnic revivalists, peace and women's groups. This paper concentrates on two loose groupings – lesbian, bisexual, gay and transgender, and ‘ban-the-bomb’ – that have been ignored. I argue that in the context of a ‘divided city’ like Belfast, the capital of Northern Ireland, these collect…
Does Having a Kin State Lessen the Likelihood of Minorities Engaging in Secessionist Mobilization
Existing research has demonstrated that the ability of secessionist movements to mobilize is highly contingent on assistance from external actors, especially via transborder ethnic ties. The specific relationship between kin state and kin group is seen as particularly enhancing to opportunities for secessionism/irredentism. Yet, the analysis of data (1989–2011) does not support this claim. Relatively few groups with kin states have engaged in vio…
Disarticulation and chains of equivalence
Divided cities are characterised by intergroup contestation over the wider issue of state legitimacy. Violent conflict has left a legacy of segregation, weak public services and clientelistic networks. Debates and practices for conflict management in divided cities centre on accommodationist or integrationist approaches. While accommodationist methods seek to recognise and accommodate ethnosectarian divisions within public institutions, it risks …
Defying state amnesia and memorywars
In divided societies that endure intrastate violence, ethnonational groups harness memory to support claims for territorial sovereignty and victimhood. Yet, in peace processes, rather than seek to deal with the legacy of the past, the state often enacts a culture of amnesia to support the logic of political transition, while at the communal level the rival ethnic groups proliferate commemorative practices as part of memorywars. These twin forces …
Crafting radical opposition or reproducing homonormativity? Consociationalism and LGBT rights activism in Lebanon
There is little research on the struggles surrounding gay rights in divided societies emerging from intrastate conflict and characterized by consociational power sharing, which allocates rights to the main ethnic groups. While consociational arrangements – predicated on a minority rights regime – theoretically open up constitutional space for LGBT rights, they often negate such possibilities by empowering ethnic hardliners opposed to sexual minor…
Multiculturalism's double bind
Critical literature has questioned British state-sponsored multiculturalism's capacity to confront racism and facilitate cross-community alliances; instead, multiculturalism is perceived to constitute groups in ethnically defined communities and essentialist cultures. Exploring two ethnographic examples — an Irish arts centre and St Patrick's Day — this article considers attempts by the London-Irish to make Irishness inclusive and to create cross…
Ethnos, demos and democratization
With the collapse of European communism, Western observers and leaders fostered new expectations about the relative likelihood for post‐communist nations to 'join the West'. The Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were seen as least problematic candidates, sponsored especially by the German leadership. A troubling issue however is the emerging pattern of ethnos‐politics, identity politics based on blood ties, as opposed to demos‐politics, civic po…
Where the state freaks out’
In this article I illuminate the production and erasure of Queerspaces in Beirut as part of postwar gentrification. A dual Beirut has emerged within assemblages of sectarian power, sexual citizenship and political economy. Commercial Queerspaces tacitly incorporated into the neoliberal and sectarian state exist while the ‘Queer unwanted’– spaces and people deemed transgressive to the moral order – are violently erased by state and non-state actor…
Mosca and the theory of elitism
Resurrection of the successor parties and democratization in East-Central Europe
The political re-emergence of post-communist successor parties in several nations of East-Central Europe raises the theoretical question of their role in the ongoing democratization process. This paper examines the electoral revival of successor parties in Poland, Hungary, and eastern Germany, in contrast first to the failure of the new competing social democratic parties in these nations, and then to the failure of the successor parties in the C…
Ethnos, demos and democratization
With the collapse of European communism, Western observers and leaders fostered new expectations about the relative likelihood for post‐communist nations to 'join the West'. The Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were seen as least problematic candidates, sponsored especially by the German leadership. A troubling issue however is the emerging pattern of ethnos‐politics, identity politics based on blood ties, as opposed to demos‐politics, civic po…
Democracy and Democratization
Providing a wide ranging overview of the processes of democratisation in post-communist Europe, this text places the transitions in these states within a broad European and global context
Everybody Is Irish on St. Paddy’s”
This article gives an account of the first major St. Patrick's Day parade in London, highlighting the way the parade was used by the Irish community to increase the visibility and profile of the Irish in London by creating a positive Irish identity through the articulation of an inclusive experience of Irishness. Such prominent visibility of the Irish represents for many within the Irish community a formal acceptance of the contribution the Irish…
Belfast St Patrick's Day Celebrations and the Act of Forgetting
Multiculturalism's double bind
Critical literature has questioned British state-sponsored multiculturalism's capacity to confront racism and facilitate cross-community alliances; instead, multiculturalism is perceived to constitute groups in ethnically defined communities and essentialist cultures. Exploring two ethnographic examples — an Irish arts centre and St Patrick's Day — this article considers attempts by the London-Irish to make Irishness inclusive and to create cross…
Challenging Ethno-National Division
Literature on social movements in societies undergoing violent ethno-national conflict between two ‘warring factions’ has typically concentrated on civil rights, ethnic revivalists, peace and women's groups. This paper concentrates on two loose groupings – lesbian, bisexual, gay and transgender, and ‘ban-the-bomb’ – that have been ignored. I argue that in the context of a ‘divided city’ like Belfast, the capital of Northern Ireland, these collect…
From ‘Ban‐the‐Bomb’ to ‘Ban‐the‐Increase
This paper illuminates two forms of street politics – ‘ban‐the‐bomb’ and housing tenants’ protests – prevalent in Belfast in the 1960s prior to the civil rights movement (CRM). This is done to highlight the role they played in developing forms of non‐violent direct action which directly contributed to the repertoires of protest utilised by the CRM. This has hitherto been downplayed in existing literature on the development of CRM. The paper also …
The Ulster Unionist Victims' Movement
This paper provides an analysis of the origins, development and decline of the ‘Ulster Unionist victims movement’, a protest-based social movement that has developed since the inauguration of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. The social movement, which represents a dense network of Protestant Unionist organisations, originated as a protest against what it viewed as discrimination meted out to Protestant Unionists during the political dispensatio…
Sites of Social Centrality and Segregation
This paper applies Henri Lefebvre's ideas on participatory democracy and spatial politics to the context of “divided cities”, a milieu often overlooked by scholars of Lefebvre. It considers, via Lefebvre, how the heterogeneous and contradictory statist methods to deal with ethno‐national violence in Belfast have in effect increased segregated space. State‐led approaches to public space as part of conflict transformation strategies appear contradi…
Potemkin Village
This paper examines whether neo-liberalism is becoming hegemonic in Northern Ireland. It analyses the regional government's nascent commitment to free-market solutions (public–private partnerships and neo-urbanism) to ameliorate decades of social inequality and civil conflict and to contribute towards social reconstruction. Noting the hybrid and contradictory aspects of neo-liberalism, it is argued that rather than being evidence of a complete ‘r…
The right to Belfast City Centre
Nostrum or Palliative? Contesting the Capitalist Peace in Violently Divided Societies
In recent years the assumption that democracy automatically generates peace has been critiqued. It has instead been suggested that the promotion of economic liberalism provides a much stronger basis for peace. In this paper, we examine and contest the normative claims of the ‘capitalist peace’. While there is a close association between extreme poverty and the onset of civil war, it is unclear whether economic liberalism will ameliorate conflict.…
Plying Nostrums or Exporting Peace Models? An Examination of the Contradictions Between the Northern Irish Peace Process and International Peacebuilding
The proclaimed success of the Northern Ireland peace process (NPP) has made it a model for other divided regions. Simultaneously, debate has arisen over the exact merits of the peace process and whether it can really be seen as a triumph of intercommunal accommodation. In this article I analyze what lessons the NPP may provide for modes of international peacebuilding based on the triadic structure of democratization, neoliberalism, and civil soci…
Governing Ethnic Conflict
Andrew, Finlay, Routledge, Abingdon, 2010, pp.152, £76 (Hb), ISBN 978-0-415-49803-6 In Governing Ethnic Conflict: Consociation, Identity and the Price of Peace, Andrew Finlay seeks to mount a stron
Reply to ‘The politics of conflict
Constructing a shared public identity in ethno nationally divided societies
In order to bolster sustainable peace building in violently divided societies, a normative suggestion is that efforts should be made to construct a shared public identity that overarches ethnic divisions. A number of different centripetal/transformationist processes are identified as engineering a shared identity in comparison to consociational arrangements, which are accused of institutionalising ethnic differences and perpetuating conflict. The…
From Secessionist Mobilization to Sub-state Nationalism? Assessing the Impact of Consociationalism and Devolution on Irish Nationalism in Northern Ireland
Survey evidence has demonstrated that support for a united Ireland from Catholics in Northern Ireland is markedly declining. Simultaneously, electoral support for the secessionist Sinn Féin party has substantially risen in the region since 1998. Critics have attributed Sinn Féin's electoral growth to consociational power sharing, which they argue rewards ethnic hardline parties. At the same time, many of these critics predicted that consociationa…
Does Having a Kin State Lessen the Likelihood of Minorities Engaging in Secessionist Mobilization
Existing research has demonstrated that the ability of secessionist movements to mobilize is highly contingent on assistance from external actors, especially via transborder ethnic ties. The specific relationship between kin state and kin group is seen as particularly enhancing to opportunities for secessionism/irredentism. Yet, the analysis of data (1989–2011) does not support this claim. Relatively few groups with kin states have engaged in vio…
Northern Ireland
Unity in Diversity
Divided cities are defined by a violent conflict of ethnonationalism and characterized by semi-permanent ethnic cleavages, high levels of endogamy and social segregation. Yet the perception that divided cities are wholly framed by the politics of ethnic homogeneity is challenged by a number of its citizens who refuse to be interminably circumscribed by ethnic politics. These 'actors' mobilize in social movements that promote non-sectarian politic…
From the Politics of Antagonistic Recognition to Agonistic Peace Building
The inclusion of symbols and rituals in peace agreements is often based on the politics of recognition, in which the cultural identities of oppositional groups are awarded equal status in society. Moreover, it is often assumed that the successful regulation of conflicts over symbols and rituals is dependent on the resolution of seemingly more important issues that divide warring groups, like demilitarization and the reform of the justice system a…
Ethnic, Racial, and Nationalist Movements
Ethnic, racial, and nationalist movements seek to advance group‐based politics in relation to their distinct identities. At different times movements can switch interchangeably between being ethnic, racial, or nationalist in character. This is largely due to movements' changing emphases and goals, as well as the often fluid and contextual nature underlying these identities, which allow groups to shift between categories. For the purpose of analys…
Social Movements in Violently Divided Societies
Violently divided societies present major challenges to institutions seeking to establish peace in places characterised by ethnic conflict and high levels of social segregation. Yet such societies also contain groups that refuse to be confined within separate forms of ethnic community and instead develop alternative modes of action that generate shared identities, build trust and foster consensual, peaceful politics. Advancing a unique social mov…
Political science (52 obras) · Sociology (50 obras) · Law (44 obras) · Politics (44 obras) · Law (41 obras) · Political economy (33 obras) · Gender Studies (23 obras) · Irish and British Studies (23 obras) · Gender Studies (22 obras) · Ethnic group (16 obras)