Political liberalisation and the islamist movement in algeria

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes Dale F. Eickelman, ‘Muslim Politics: The Prospects for Democracy in North Africa and the Middle East’, in John P. Entelis (ed.), Islam, Democracy and the State in North Africa (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press 1997) p.30. Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press 1986), cited in Michel Camau, ‘Changes of Regimes in the Maghreb: The Hazards of Democratisation’, paper presented at the 1990 Annual Meeting of the Middle East Studies Association (MESA), p.5. This definition is inspired by the generic definition of fundamentalism given by Ian Lustick, For The Lord and the Land: Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel (New York: Council on Foreign Relations 1988) p.6. Among them were Abdelatif Soltani, Bachir Ibrahimi, Ahmed Sahnoun, Mesbah Houidek and Omar Larbaoui. They opposed co-education, the mixing of men and women in work places, the sale and consumption of alcohol, and what they judged as immoral TV programmes. Mohamed Harbi, L'Islamism dans tous ses états (Algiers: Rahma Editions 1991) p.133. Later, the state adopted further measures intended to weaken the Islamist opposition. These measures included promoting religious education in schools, enacting in 1984 a conservative family code, banning alcohol in some cities and making Friday the weekly day of rest instead of Sunday. El Moudjahid, 26–27 Dec. 1980. This new organisation, which began its armed attacks in November 1982, included individuals who were going to lead some of the armed groups of the 1990s, such as Abdelkader Chebouti, Abderrahmane Hattab and Mansouri Meliani. See Abdelhamid Boumezbar and Djamila Azine, L'Islamisme algérien: De la genèse au terrorisme (Algiers: Chihab Editions 2002) p.68. Jeune Afrique 1618 (9–16 Jan. 1992) p.20. It became known later that President Bendjedid and some FLN leaders, after learning the preliminary results of the first round of the 1991 parliamentary elections, began negotiating with the Islamists a power sharing scheme according to which Bendjedid would keep the presidency, the Islamists would control non-strategic ministries such as education, justice and religious affairs, and the FLN would have the technical ministries. The military leadership did not agree to this arrangement. As noted earlier, the Islamist violence began well before the cancellation of the 1992 elections, from the time of the Bouyali actions in the 1980s, to the attack in November 1991 against border guards in Guemmar, near the Tunisian border, by a group of ‘Afghans’ (the name given to Algerian veterans of the war in Afghanistan). See the contribution to this volume by Luis Martinez. Abassi Madani, interview by Slimane Zeghidour in Politique Internationale 44 (Autumn 1990) p.189. Abassi Madani, interview quoted in François Burgat and William Dowell, The Islamic Movement in North Africa (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press 1993) p.131. Mahfoud Nahnah, interview in Horizon (Algerian newspaper), 18 Nov. 1990, quoted in Burgat and Dowell (note 15) p.131. Bahgat Korany and Saad Amrani, ‘Explosive Civil Society and Democratisation From Below: Algeria’, in R. Brynen, B. Korany and P. Noble (eds.), Political Liberalisation and Democratisation in the Arab World, Volume II: Comparative Experiences (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner 1998) p.29. See also the contribution to this volume by Luis Martinez. The meeting was organised under the auspices of the Sant'Egidio Community in Rome and the final document became known as the Rome Platform. Bahgat Korany, ‘Monarchical Islam with a Democratic Veneer: Morocco’, in Brynen, Korany and Noble (eds.) (note 16) p.172. Political parties can generally be divided into those which oppose the government (e.g., FFS and MDA) or support it (FLN and RND, and even the MSP), or into those which favour an all-inclusive political compromise among all non-violent forces (FFS and PT), and those who want to keep the Islamists at bay (RCD). They are also divided on their attitudes toward the army and its anti-Islamist campaign

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