Quantifier Raising out of Mandarin relative clauses

Dados Bibliográficos

ID4569052
AutoresHuilei Wang (0000-0002-5995-9246, University of California, Los Angeles, autor correspondente)
Ano2023
Volume31
Fascículo1
Páginas25-69
Data de publicação2023-03-01
Peer ReviewedSim
Open AccessSim
TipoARTICLE
PeriódicoNatural Language Semantics (JOURNAL)
Identificadores do periódicoISSN: 0925-854X • E-ISSN: 1572-865X
EditoraSpringer Science and Business Media LLC (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.1007/s11050-023-09202-3
OpenAlexW4362606991
IdiomaEN
Citações recebidas2
Referências citadas51

Quantifier Raising usually exhibits finite-clause boundedness due to the syntactic and semantic constraints it is subject to (Fox 1995, 2000, Cecchetto 2004, a.o.). In this paper, I argue that QR out of a Mandarin prenominal pre-determiner RC is not only properly licensed, obeying both syntactic and semantic constraints, but also needed to account for the exceptional-scope effects observed across relative clause boundaries (Huang 1982, Aoun and Li 1993, a.o.). I further consider constructions where the exceptional-scope effects are not present, including relative clauses containing the focus-sensitive operatordouand full-sized subject RCs, and show that the absence of the exceptional-scope effects in these constructions follows directly from the proposed analysis

Determiner · Linguistics · Mandarin Chinese · Physics · Programming language · Relative clause · Syntax · Computer Science · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies · Mathematics · Natural Language Processing Techniques · Philosophy · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation