Interactions between Differential Object Marking and Definiteness in Standard and Heritage Romanian
Dados Bibliográficos
| ID | 5900569 |
|---|---|
| Autores | Monica Alexandrina Irimia (0000-0003-3733-8163, University of Modena and Reggio Emilia, autor correspondente) |
| Ano | 2023 |
| Volume | 8 |
| Fascículo | 1 |
| Páginas | 63 |
| Data de publicação | 2023-02-23 |
| Peer Reviewed | Sim |
| Open Access | Sim |
| Tipo | ARTICLE |
| Periódico | Languages (JOURNAL) |
| Identificadores do periódico | ISSN: 2226-471X • E-ISSN: 2226-471X |
| Editora | MDPI AG (PUBLISHER • IT) |
| DOI | 10.3390/languages8010063 |
| OpenAlex | W4321596283 |
| Idioma | EN |
| Citações recebidas | 1 |
| Referências citadas | 44 |
The observation that not all grammatical realizations in heritage languages can be attributed to transfer from a dominant language has been emphasized in several recent works. This paper provides further arguments in this direction from heritage Romanian. As opposed to standard Romanian, the heritage Romanian data examined here do not exhibit a restriction which blocks overt definiteness on a differentially marked object (DOM), when the latter is unmodified but interpreted as definite. Moreover, in heritage Romanian there appear to be differences between the differential marker and (other) prepositions when it comes to interactions with overt definiteness. It is shown that the preservation of overt definiteness cannot be reduced to transfer; some of the dominant languages at stake, namely Serbian and Russian are determinerless, with nominals being used bare regardless of their syntactic function. The heritage data in turn give support to a theory under which the differential marker must be structurally set aside from (other) prepositions. If the latter spell out a P projection, the differential marker is the spell out of complex internal structure of certain classes of objects, which must project at least a DP. This structural complexity for DOM is transparent in other Romance languages, where definiteness is equally obligatory on the surface, if a definite interpretation is intended. Thus, the DOM-overt definiteness setting in the heritage data follows from predictable paths of language variation
Definiteness · German · Linguistics · Object (grammar · Romance languages · Romanian · Serbian · Spell · Computer Science · Linguistic Variation and Morphology · Linguistics, Language Diversity, and Identity · Mathematics · Philosophy · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
New Analyses in Romance Linguistics
Indefinite Objects
Definiteness
Heritage Languages and Their Speakers
The Dependencies of Objects
Parameters of Slavic Morphosyntax
Objects and Information Structure
The Syntax of Romanian
Incomplete Acquisition in Bilingualism
Explorations in Nominal Inflection
Topics in South Slavic Syntax and Semantics
The Realization of (In)definiteness in Russian
Vulnerability and stability of Differential Object Marking in Romanian heritage speakers
Variation in differential object marking
Terminology matters! Why difference is not incompleteness and how early child bilinguals are heritage speakers
Understanding the nature and outcomes of early bilingualism
Oblique differential object marking and types of nominals
The Direct Object Marker in Romanian
Goal and DOM datives
Differential Object Marking
The Object Agreement Constraint
DOM and Nominal Structure—Some Notes on DOM with Bare Nouns
Structural Change in Relative Clauses and the Autonomy of Heritage Grammars
Pinning down the concept of "interface" in bilingualism
Determiner phrase in a language without determiners (with apologies to Jim Huang 1982)
Definiteness in Serbian/Croatian/Bosnian and some implications for the general structure of the nominal phrase
Nominal ellipsis as definiteness and anaphoricity
Impersonal se Constructions in Romance and the Passivization of Unergatives
Differential object marking in Spanish, Hindi, and Romanian as heritage languages
Animacy in Russian Cardinal Numerals and Adjectives as an Inflectional Category
On the locality of left branch extraction and the structure of NP
| Obras citantes distintas | 1 |
|---|---|
| Citações por ano | 1 |
| Intervalo de citações | 2025 - 2025 (1) |
| Velocidade de citação | recent |
| Altamente citado | Não |
| Tipos de citação | Neutras: 1 |