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Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements He is the author of The Best Laid Plans: The Origins of American Multilateralism and the Dawn of the Cold War (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009) Notes 1. On the disjunction between multilateral institutions and global trends, see National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2025: A Transformed World, November 2008, http://www.dni.gov/nic/PDF_2025/2025_Global_Trends_Final_Report.pdf 2. Barack Obama, "Renewing American Leadership," Foreign Affairs 86, no. 4 (July/August 2007): 11. 3. Barack Obama, remarks, The Chicago Council on Global Affairs, Chicago, Illinois, April 24, 2007, http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2007/04/remarks_of_senator_barack_obam.html. 4. See Robert Hutchings and Frederick Kempe, "The Global Grand Bargain," Foreign Policy, November 2008, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4547; Robert Hutchings, "A Global Grand Bargain," Washington Post, November 17, 2008. G. John Ikenberry, "Grand Strategy as Liberal Order Building" (paper, Princeton, New Jersey, May 29, 2007) , http://www.princeton.edu/~gji3/Ikenberry-Grand-Strategy-as-Liberal-Order-Building-2007-word.pdf. 5. Madeleine K. Albright, interview by Matt Lauer, The Today Show, NBC, February 19, 1998, http://secretary.state.gov/www/statements/1998/980219a.html. 6. See Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problem of Peace 1814–1822 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1957). 7. See Union of International Associations, "International Organizations by Year and Type," Web site, http://www.uia.org/statistics/organizations/ytb299.php. 8. See Stewart Patrick, "Multilateralism and Its Discontents: The Causes and Consequences of U.S. Ambivalence," in Multilateralism and U.S. Foreign Policy: Ambivalent Engagement, eds. Stewart Patrick and Shepard Forman (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2002), p. 11; U.S. Department of State. Treaties in Force 2009, Office of the Legal Advisor, Web site, http://www.state.gov/s/l/treaty/treaties/2009/index.htm. 9. Francis Fukuyama, America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 155–180. 10. Daniel Drezner, "Two Challenges to Institutionalism," in Can the World Be Governed? Possibilities for Effective Multilateralism, ed. Alan Alexandroff (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2008), p. 143. 11. See Ruth Wedgwood, "Give the United Nations a Little Competition," New York Times, December 5, 2005, http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/05/opinion/05wedgewood.html?pagewanted=print; Art Stein, "Incentive Compatibility and Global Governance: Existential Multilateralism, a Weakly Confederal World, and Hegemony," in Can the World Be Governed? Possibilities for Effective Multilateralism, ed. Alan Alexandroff (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2008). 12. The UN General Assembly has taken up the expansion agenda again in 2009, but a grand bargain remains elusive, with little apparent U.S. interest in leading the charge against daunting odds. See UN General Assembly, Report of the Facilitators to the President of the General Assembly on the Consultations Regarding "The Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and Other Matters Related to the Security Council" (New York: UN, April 19, 2007), http://www.un.org/ga/president/61/letters/SC-reform-Facil-report-20-April-07.pdf; Thomas Weiss, "Toward a Third Generation of International Institutions: Obama's UN Policy," The Washington Quarterly 32, no. 3 (July 2009): 141–162. 13. Peter A. Hall, ed., The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989). 14. Gerald Seib, "In Crisis, Opportunity for Obama," Wall Street Journal, November 21, 2008, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122721278056345271.html. 15. Office of the Press Secretary, The White House, "News Conference by President Obama," London, United Kingdom, April 2, 2009, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/news-conference-by-president-obama-4-02-09/ (hereinafter Obama's remarks in London). 16. See Lee Feinstein and Anne-Marie Slaughter, "A Duty to Prevent," Foreign Affairs 83, no. 1 (January/February 2004): 136–151; Edward C. Luck, "The United Nations and the Responsibility to Protect," Stanley Foundation Policy Analysis Brief, August 2008, http://www.stanleyfoundation.org/publications/pab/LuckPAB808.pdf. 17. See Thomas Wright, "Toward Effective Multilateralism: Why Bigger May Not Be Better," The Washington Quarterly 32, no. 3 (July 2009): 163–180. 18. Susan E. Rice, "Informal Meeting of the General Assembly on Security Council Reform" (speech, New York, February 19, 2009), http://www.state.gov/p/io/rls/rm/2009/117617.htm. Obama has acknowledged the same tension with respect to G-8 expansion: "We're trying to find the right shape that combines the efficiency and capacity for action with inclusiveness." See Barack Obama, press conference, L'Aquila, Italy, July 10, 2009, http://enduringamerica.com/2009/07/11/transcript-obama-press-conference-after-g8-summit-10-july/ (hereinafter Obama remarks in L'Aquila). 19. Obama's remarks in London. 20. See Ivo Daadler and James Lindsay, "Democracies of the World Unite," American Interest II, no. 3 (January–February 2007), http://www.the-american-interest.com/ai2/article.cfm?Id_220&MId_8; Robert Kagan, "The Case for a League of Democracies," Financial Times, May 13, 2008; G. John Ikenberry and Anne-Marie Slaughter, "Forging a World of Liberty Under Law, U.S. National Security in the 21st Century," Princeton Project on National Security (Princeton, NJ: Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, September 27, 2006), http://www.princeton.edu/~ppns/report/FinalReport.pdf. 21. Francis Fukuyama, "The Paradox of International Action," The American Interest I, no. 3 (Spring 2006), p. 10. 22. See Thom Shanker, "White House Says the U.S. Is Not a Loner, Just Choosy," New York Times, July 31, 2001, http://www.nytimes.com/2001/07/31/world/white-house-says-the-us-is-not-a-loner-just-choosy.html; Richard N. Haass, "The Age of Non-Polarity: What Will Follow U.S. Dominance," Foreign Affairs 87, no. 3 (May/June 2008): 44–56. 23. Stewart Patrick, "Beyond Coalitions of the Willing: Assessing U.S. Multilateralism," Ethics and International Affairs 17, no. 1 (Spring 2003): 37–54 24. Scenario based on interviews with National Security Council and U.S. State Department officials of the Bush administration in 2007–2008. See Stewart Patrick, "'The Mission Determines the Coalition': The United States and Multilateral Security Cooperation after 9/11," in Cooperating for Peace and Security, ed.Bruce Jones (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 2009). 25. "Pragmatic Multilateralism: Strategies for Engagement in an Age of Interdependence," Final Report of Council on Foreign Relations Term Member Roundtable (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, Autumn 2002), http://www.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/TM_paper.pdf. 26. Miles Kahler, "Multilateralism with Small and Large Numbers," in Multilateralism Matters: The Theory and Practice of an Institutional Form, ed. John Gerard Ruggie (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 293–326 and 320–321. The Cairns Group played the first role during the Uruguay Round of the GATT. 27. Gareth Evans, interview by author, April 2009; Barry Carin and Ramesh Thakur, "Global Governance for a Global Age: The Role of Leaders in Breaking Global Deadlocks," CIGI Policy Brief, no. 7 (November 1, 2008), http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2008/11/global-governance-global-age-role-leaders-breaking-global-deadlocks. 28. See James Quinn, "Emerging Economic Nations Underline Status at G20 Summit," Telegraph, November 16, 2008, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/3468614/Emerging-economic-nations-underline-status-at-G20-summit.html. 29. G-20 members are Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, EU, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States. 30. Obama remarks in L'Aquila. 31. Elizabeth C. Economy and Adam Segal, "The G-2 Mirage," Foreign Affairs 88, no. 3 (May/June 2009): 14–29. 32. See Agata Antkiewicz and Andrew F. Cooper, eds., Emerging Powers in Global Governance: Lessons of the Heiligendamm Process (Ontario: Wilfried Laurier Press, 2008). 33. Bruce Jones, Carlos Pascual, and Stephen J. Stedman, Power and Responsibility: Building International Order in an Era of Transnational Threats (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2008), pp. 45–72. The authors list the G-16 as the members of the G-13 plus Indonesia, Turkey, and one other country from Africa, likely Egypt or Nigeria. 34. The UN's Peacebuilding Commission, which has a standing membership but also meets in larger, crisis-specific configurations, operates along analogous lines. 35. For a comprehensive mapping of the regime, see the Council on Foreign Relations Global Governance Monitor, Web site, http://www.cfr.org/ggmonitor. 36. Amitai Etzioni, "Tomorrow's Institution Today: The Promise of the Proliferation Security Initiative," Foreign Affairs 88, no. 3 (May/June 2009): 7–11 37. The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, "Proliferation Security Initiative: Statement of Interdiction Principles," September 4, 2003, http://dtirp.dtra.mil/TIC/treatyinfo/PSI/psi_principles.htm (fact sheet) (hereinafter White House PSI Fact Sheet). 38. The 20 leading PSI countries include Argentina, Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Russia, Singapore, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, "Non-Proliferation: U.S. Agencies Have Taken Some Steps, but More Effort is Needed to Strengthen and Expand the Proliferation Security Regime," GAO-09-43, November 2008, pp. 3, 5, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d0943.pdf (hereinafter GAO Non-Proliferation report). 39. Etzioni, "Tomorrow's Institution Today," p. 19. 40. "North Korea's Second Nuclear Test: Implications of UN Security Council Resolution 1874," CRS Report for Congress, R40884, July 1, 2009, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/nuke/R40684.pdf. 41. White House PSI Fact Sheet. 42. See UN Security Council Resolution 1540, S/RES/1540 (2004), April 28, 2004, http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N04/328/43/PDF/N0432843.pdf?OpenElement. 43. Office of the Press Secretary, The White House, "Remarks by President Barak Obama," Hradcany Square, Prague, Czech Republic, April 5, 2009, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-By-President-Barack-Obama-In-Prague-As-Delivered/ 44. Emma Belcher, "Throwing out the Bathwater, but Keeping the Baby," Huffington Post, November 20, 2008, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/emma-belcher/throwing-out-the-bathwate_b_145298.html; Scott G. Borgerson, "The National Interest and the Law of the Sea," Council Special Report, no. 46 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, May 2009). 45. GAO Non-Proliferation report, pp. 18–21. 46. Todd Stern and William Antholis, "Toolbox: Creating an E-8," The American Interest II, no. 3 (January 2007): 43–49. The proposed eight were Brazil, China, the EU, India, Japan, Russia, South Africa, and the United States. 47. "Confronting Climate Change: A Strategy for U.S. Policy," Task Force Report, no. 61 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, June 2008), p. 79, http://www.cfr.org/publication/16362/. 48. "Confronting Climate Change: A Strategy for U.S. Policy," Task Force Report, no. 61 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, June 2008), p. 79, http://www.cfr.org/publication/16362/, pp. 94–95. 49. Hillary Rodham Clinton, "Remarks at the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate" (Washington, D.C., April 27, 2009), http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/04/122240.htm. The MEF includes G-8 members plus Australia, Brazil, China, EU, India, Indonesia, Mexico, and South Africa. 50. See Peter Baker, "Poorer Nations Reject a Target on Emission Cut," New York Times, July 9, 2009, p. A1, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/09/world/europe/09prexy.html. 51. Antholis comments at the Council on Foreign Relations conference on "The United States and the Future of Global Governance," May 8, 2009. Additional informationNotes on contributorsStewart PatrickStewart Patrick is a senior fellow and the director of the International Institutions and Global Governance Program at the Council on Foreign Relations

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