On “sluicing” with apparent massive pied-piping

Datos Bibliográficos

ID11293026
AutoresKlaus Abels (0000-0001-7663-0242, University College London, autor de correspondencia)
Año2019
Volumen37
Número4
Páginas1205-1271
Fecha de publicación2019-11-01
Peer ReviewedSí
Open AccessSí
TipoARTICLE
RevistaNatural Language and Linguistic Theory (JOURNAL)
Identificadores de la revistaISSN: 0167-806X • E-ISSN: 1573-0859
EditorialSpringer Science and Business Media LLC (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.1007/s11049-018-9432-1
OpenAlexW2903148735
IdiomaEN
Citas recibidas8
Referencias citadas67

This paper provides the first detailed description of a type of elliptical wh-question first noted in a footnote in Ross’s seminal paper on sluicing. Under certain, very restricted circumstances, sluicing appears to be able to tolerate wh-phrases with massive pied-piping. I propose to analyze this pattern in terms of (recursive) contrastive left-dislocation accompanied by clausal ellipsis. While it has long been known that contrastive left-dislocation can be recursive, the particular ellipsis pattern observed here has not been described in detail before. The proposed analysis capitalizes on the striking distributional similarities between the apparent sluicing pattern and the pattern of clausal ellipsis with contrastive left-dislocation. At a theoretical level, the paper provides a defense of wh-move-and-delete approaches to sluicing by removing Ross’s nagging counterexample to the generalization that only wh-movable constituents can be sluicing remnants

Combinatorics · Counterexample · Dislocation · Generalization · Linguistics · Physics · Computer Science · History · Linguistics and Discourse Analysis · Mathematics · Natural Language Processing Techniques · Philosophy · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation