Text and Interpretation

Christian Understandings of Authoritative Texts in the Light of Social Change

Bibliographic Data

ID12264615
AuthorsRobert K McIver (0000-0002-1710-7790, a Avondale College , Cooranbong, New South Wales, Australia, corresponding author), Ray C W Roennfeldt (a Avondale College , Cooranbong, New South Wales, Australia, corresponding author)
Year2009
Volume20
Issue3
Pages257-276
Publication date2009-07-01
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueIslam and Christian–Muslim Relations (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0959-6410 • E-ISSN: 1469-9311
PublisherRoutledge (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/09596410902982919
OpenAlexW4230560396
LanguageEN
References cited16

In purely oral cultures, traditions seamlessly adapt to changing social and political realities. But writing down authoritative religious texts freezes their content. As society changes, so arises the need to interpret the meaning of ancient authoritative traditions in the light of new social realities. The authoritative texts for Christianity have been gathered together into the Bible, and the central issue that will be addressed in this article is the interrelationships between social change and biblical interpretation. It is written in four major sections. The first traces several substantial changes that took place in Christianity as it moved from the social environment of Palestine into the wider Greco-Roman world. The second and third consider Anglicanism and Seventh-day Adventism as case studies of attempts to discover the historical moment against which to measure whether or not a development or idea is authentically Christian. The final section explores the merits of the so-called Wesleyan quadrilateral as an approach to authentic interpretation of authoritative texts in the light of social change. It does so through a consideration of the developing stance of the evangelical theologian Clark Pinnock. This was the first in the Shi'a Muslim–Christian Hermeneutics Dialogue Series, 2008–2010, that is organized between the University of Birmingham, the Iranian Institute of Philosophy, Monash University, Australia, Shahid Beheshti University, Iran, and the University of Waikato, New Zealand. The overall title of the series is Text, Tradition and Identity: Issues of Interpretation in Christian–Muslim Engagement. Notes Walter Ong uses the adjective ‘homeostatic’ to characterize this aspect of oral cultures. As he says, ‘oral societies live very much in the present which keeps itself in equilibrium or homeostasis by sloughing off memories which no longer have present relevance’ (Ong, Citation1982, 46). Maurice Halbwachs' most widely cited work is On Collective Memory (Halbwachs, Citation1992). Assessments of Halbwachs' concept of collective memory vary considerably. Patrick H. Hutton might be cited as an example of those who represent Halbwachs' thought by concentrating on those aspects which have made valuable contributions to subsequent sociological and historiological thinking (Hutton, Citation1993). Noa Gedi and Yigal Elam, on the other hand, would serve as example of those who have concentrated on those areas of Halbwachs which make use of arguments that are no longer tenable, and use them in a way that tends to discredit all that Halbwachs says (Gedi & Elam, Citation1996). Other assessments of Halbwacks may be found in Confino Citation(1997), Kansteiner Citation(2002) and Byrskog Citation(2006). This and subsequent dates in this paper are from the common era. The evidence concerning purity laws found in the New Testament and subsequent writings to the end of the second century are considered in Wehnert (Citation1997, pp. 107–208); and to the middle of the third century by Heil (Citation1994, pp. 124–294). Martin Meiser Citation(2003) surveys the post-NT evidence till the early Middle Ages. Those who argue that Jesus and the Synoptic Gospels presuppose continued Sabbath observance include Bacchiocchi Citation(1977), Carson Citation(1982), Sanders (Citation1985, pp. 250, 264–267), Weiss Citation(1990) and Specht Citation(1982). Most prominent among those who would argue a contrary position is Rordorf (Citation1968, e.g., pp. 54–79); but also include Riesenfeld Citation(1970), Goulder (Citation1974, pp. 17–18) and Lohse Citation(1971), although each argues from a different perspective. Willy Rordorf has gathered together what evidence there is in his Sabbat und Sonntag in der Alten Kirche Citation(1972), where the source materials are cited in their original Latin or Greek, with a German translation. Odom's Sabbath and Sunday (1977) provides one of the best resources for this primary material in English translation. Aside from the New Testament and the Didache, almost all of these sources date from later than the turn of the first century. Llewelyn Citation(2001) argues that 1 Corinthians 16.2, Acts 20.7 and Revelation 1.10 together are likely evidence of early Christian worship taking place on Sunday, and a similar point is made by Wilson (Citation1995, pp. 230–231). Young (Citation2003, pp. 111–122) effectively argues that the New Testament evidence does not support Llewelyn's case. ‘The people of Constantinople, and almost everywhere, assembled together on the Sabbath, as well as on the first day of the week, which custom is never observed at Rome or at Alexandria’ (Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History, VII 19). Compare the comment of Socrates Scholasticus in his Ecclesiastical History (V 22): ‘Almost all churches throughout the world celebrate sacred mysteries of the sabbath of every week, yet the Christians at Alexandria and at Rome, on account of some ancient tradition, do not do this.’ These two quotations are most conveniently found in Bacchiocchi (Citation1977, pp. 196–197). While most are prepared to consider Barnabus 15 an early indication of Sunday observance, after noting the possibility that the ‘eighth’ day in Barnabus 15 may in fact be a reference to the ‘high day of the paschal ceremony’, Cairus Citation(2001) suggests that ‘It is ... not clear whether Barn. 15 refers to Sunday observance at all’. See also Cairus Citation(2002) on Clement, Stromateis 6. Constantine's laws allowing Christians to worship are most easily accessible in Odom Citation(1977). The citation is found on page 255. A second law, promulgated on 3 July 321, allowed the manumission (freeing) of slaves on a Sunday. The title ‘Refutation and Overthrow of Knowledge falsely so-called [Elegchou kai anatropēs tēs pseudōnumou gnōseōs]’ is that given to the work in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History V:VII. We thank Charles Sherlock for his helpful advice on this section of the paper. ‘Anglicanism is a glorious accident of history—a serendipity. It emerged from the world of political compromise of the sixteenth century ... Anglicanism, then, is an historical contingency—but an historical contingency which, in the last two centuries, has proved to possess qualities which the modern church happens to need rather badly’ (McGrath, Citation1993, pp. 12–13). The Anglican Church has become largely independent of parliament and monarch even in England. As Paul Avis observes, ‘The Erastian paradigm [i.e. the Church under the authority of Parliament or crown] is dead. In a partly secular and increasingly pluralistic culture there is no nostalgia for it. The Church of English is to all intents and purposes self-governing in doctrine, worship and discipline, though, like any church that knows what it is about, it still welcomes a partnership with the State and with civil society’ (Avis, Citation2002, p. 347). Colin Buchanan, on the other hand, notes several remaining elements of, as he puts it, the ‘ungodly and improper structural captivity of the Church of England to the state’ (Buchanan, Citation1998, p. 350). Alan M. G. Stephenson gives a detailed account of the reasons for the calling of the first Lambeth conference, and many of the discussions surrounding such an initiative, in his book Anglicanism and the Lambeth Conferences (1978, pp. 18–43). Colin Buchanan considers there to be actually four ‘instruments’ of unity in the Anglican communion. He enumerates these as, ‘1. The person of the archbishop of Canterbury ... 2. The Lambeth Conference ... 3. The Primates’ Meeting, chaired and summoned by the archbishop of Canterbury, meeting roughly every two years ... 4. The Anglican Consultative Council, which is composed of a bishop, a presbyter and a layperson from each province, with the archbishop of Canterbury as its ex officio president' (Buchanan, Citation1998, p. 347). Stephenson (Citation1978, p. 5) points out that it might be more accurate to speak of a Chicago–Lambeth Quadrilateral, ‘since it is almost the same as a document issued at the General Convention at Chicago in 1886’. The words of Stephen Sykes are apposite: ‘How then do matters fare for Anglicanism? On the face of it, it is in crises ... But all is not what it seems. ... There is an elusive but real corporate identity which persists, by no means unchastened or unchanged, but discernible and in actuality. As a concrete example one may take the survival of the Chicago-Lambeth Quadrilateral of 1888’ (Sykes, Citation1995, p. vxii). Resolution 11, Lambeth Conference, 1888, in the Lambeth Conference Resolutions Archive. Available at www.lambethconference.org/resolutions (accessed 12 March 2009). The full text of all resolutions of the various Lambeth Conferences may be found on this website. Article 8 of the 39 articles (now entitled ‘The Creeds’) also included Athanasius' creed: ‘The original Article given Royal assent in 1571 and reaffirmed in 1662, was entitled, “Of the Three Creeds”; and began as follows, “The Three Creeds, Nicene Creede, Athanasius's Creed, and that which is commonly called the Apostles’ Creed ...”’Available at http://anglicansonline.org/basics/thirty-nine_articles.html (accessed 23 May 2009). Article 25, ‘Of the Sacraments’, fails to name as sacraments, Confirmation, Penance, Orders, Matrimony, and Extreme Unction. In doing so, it clearly distinguishes the Church of England from the Roman Catholic Church, which asserts that there are seven, rather than only two sacraments (namely baptism, eucharist, reconciliation, confirmation, marriage, holy orders, anointing of the sick). Cf. the words of Alan Stephenson: ‘To the second century the Anglican Communion looked back for its threefold ministry of bishops, priests and deacons’ (Stephenson, Citation1978, p. 5). Cf. the measured definition of Anglicanism by Rowan Williams, in Anglican Identities (Williams, Citation2003, pp. 2–3). Miller originally set 1843 as the date for Jesus to return, but further consideration caused Millerites to revise their date to 22 October 1844 (Dick, Citation1986, pp. 20–23; Nichol, Citation1944, pp. 206–216). Each year the Seventh-day Adventist Church publishes an Annual Statistical Report. The growth of the church may be traced in the table usually printed towards the back of the report, which lists the membership by year. The initial figures given here are derived from the table found on p. 84 of the 142nd Annual Statistical Report Citation(2004). The 31 December 2007 figures were the latest available at http://www.adventist.org/world_church/facts_and_figures (when accessed 17 March 2009). The preamble of the 27 fundamental beliefs of Seventh-day Adventists that was voted in 1980 at the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists in world session states: ‘Seventh-day Adventists accept the Bible as their only creed’, and in its first section says: ‘The Holy Scriptures are the infallible revelation of his [God's] will. They are the standard of character, the test of experience, the authoritative revealer of doctrines, and the trustworthy record of God's acts in history.’ These statements were not changed in the revisions to the fundamental beliefs that were voted at the 2005 General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists meeting in world session (see http://www.adventist.org/beliefs/fundamental/index.html, accessed 17 March 2009, for latest version of Fundamental Beliefs of the Seventh-day Adventist Church). E.g., the article that was most influential in establishing the concept of 1844 as a change in heaven rather than on earth (Crosier, Citation1850) does so on the basis of a rather sophisticated analysis of the book of Hebrews, and visits a number of aspects of the Greek text. The document was ‘approved by the 1986 Annual Council’. While there are an increasing number of women working in pastoral roles in the church, to this date all conference presidents are male. Note that this early stage of Pinnock's theological career, when he based biblical authority in a notion of the inerrancy of Scripture, began in about 1965 and lasted through to 1974 (Roennfeldt, Citation1993, pp. 140–213). In addition to his Biblical Revelation (1971), Pinnock had also published a shorter work Citation(1967) that covered similar territory and which took the same view. Observe that this approach is based in the conviction that the ‘apparent falsehoods and contradictions’ do not originate with the God of truth and ‘are not ultimately real’ (Pinnock, Citation1971, p. 189). In the same place, Outler confesses his regret in coining the term ‘quadrilateral’ in that ‘it has been so widely misconstrued’. However he observes that the ‘conjoint recourse to the fourfold guidelines of Scripture, tradition, reason and experience may hold more promise for an evangelical and ecumenical future than we have realized as yet—by comparison, for example, with Biblicism, or traditionalism, or, rationalism, or empiricism’. For a detailed discussion of the Wesleyan Quadrilateral, see Thorsen Citation(1990). The change in perspective appears to be the result of a foundational shift in theological perspective which began around 1975, the results of which filtered down through all aspects of Pinnock's theology during the next ten years. The primary shift was a transition from a Calvinistic doctrine of salvation to a more Arminian stance. For an in-depth analysis of this shift, see Roennfeldt (Citation1993, pp. 349–361). Further details on Pinnock's overall theological course corrections are available in Callen Citation(2000). Pinnock states this problem in terms of questions of ‘final authority’ and ‘truth’. Regarding the former, Pinnock asks how one might ‘balance the two poles of text and context properly?’ and in reference to ‘truth’ he asks, ‘How far should the process of contextualization go? How “modern” should modern theology be?’ (Pinnock, 1990, pp. 72 and 73, respectively). Pinnock argues (1990, p. 171) that ‘Revelation is the precondition’ of Scripture, tradition, experience, and reason. ‘In this way, revelation empowers a written form (Scripture), a remembering community (tradition), a process of subjective appropriation (experience), and testing for internal consistency (reason).’ Continuing in the same place, Pinnock puts this concept ‘bluntly’: ‘theology that does not accord with the scriptural witness should not be considered Christian theology.’ Pinnock's concept of the inspiration of the Bible now rises out of a view of God's interactions with the biblical writers that respects human freedom and culture. Perhaps even more so than those who hold to a doctrine of the inerrancy of the original autographs. Pinnock maintains that Scripture and tradition ‘serve as the means’ by which the individual's experiences will ‘be informed and will mature’. Pinnock states the dilemma in the following way: How is the ‘traditional message’ to be related to the ‘new cultural situation’? Again, Pinnock states the issue in the form of a question: ‘What do these things tell us about Christian truth?’ Pinnock allocates a ‘ministerial’ rather than a ‘magisterial’ role to reason. That Wesleyan Quadrilateral continues to be an effective model is illustrated by such diverse offerings as Bevins Citation(2006) and Cosby Citation(2001)

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