The EU and the Mideast Order

In the foreword to the “Global Strategy for the European Union's Foreign and Security Policy” (EUGS), Federica Mogherini, the EU high representative for foreign affairs and security policy at the time, states, The idea that Europe is an exclusively “civilian power ” does not do justice to an evolving reality.... For Europe, soft and hard power go hand in hand.1 There is no doubt that the EU has significant potential when it comes to soft power. As mentioned in the EUGS, the EU is the primary trading partner and foreign investor for most countries around the globe. The EU member states together invest more in development cooperation than the rest of the world combined: promoting job opportunities, inclusive societies, human rights, peace building and the resilience of states and societies. These elements of EU policies sum up the traditional understanding of the union as a soft power, and to some extent also its self‐perception. However, as indicated by Mogherini, in recent years this self‐perception has been undergoing changes. The unstable Middle East following the Arab uprisings, the wars in Syria and Libya, the challenges of the so‐called refugee crisis and the rise of radical jihadism have led to an increased focus on security and counterterrorism — and to an understanding in Europe of the need for a more effective and multifaceted foreign policy. The construction of a new architecture for foreign and security policy is a long‐term process. Faced with the new realities of the Middle East and the changing and inconsistent foreign‐policy signals from the United States, the EU has gradually developed a stronger and more autonomous foreign policy, to include — if necessary — the ability to carry out military operations. This article argues that four important phenomena can be seen as expressions of a more active and self‐reliant European Union: First, an ambitious sanctions policy against the regime in Damascus following its violent clampdown on demonstrations and protests in the spring of 2011.2 Second, active EU participation in the negotiations with Iran during 2013–15, leading to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) — the nuclear agreement — in July 2015.3 Third, related to Libya,4 EU crisis management in connection with the so‐called migration crisis.5 Fourth, Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), an institutional setup to develop a stronger defense cooperation within the EU.6

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• European diplomats in the Mena region

  Jan Claudius Völkel•Journal of European Integration•2024

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