Balancing Justice, Stability and Legitimacy

Lebanon and the UN Special Tribunal – Understanding the Domestic Impact of International Criminal Justice

Bibliographic Data

ID12588997
AuthorsBarbara Berti (0000-0002-6864-8626, Tel Aviv University, corresponding author)
Year2013
Volume19
Issue1
Pages117-133
Publication date2013-08-12
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueMediterranean Politics (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1362-9395 • E-ISSN: 1743-9418
PublisherTaylor & Francis (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/13629395.2013.811902
OpenAlexW2039349390
LanguageEN
Citations received1
References cited12

The article analyses the record of the United Nations Special Tribunal for Lebanon, focusing on its domestic impact as well as on the main obstacles the tribunal has faced since its establishment. The study looks at how the legitimacy problems of the STL have deeply affected the tribunal's capacity to deliver justice for the political assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, as well as its potential to foster peace and stability within Lebanon. Analysing the shortcomings of the STL can highlight the inherent challenges international criminal tribunals face in ensuring that the ‘Justice’ delivered by the tribunal meets local perceptions of ‘justice’ as well as the community's need to preserve internal stability and foster reconciliation. Notes1 Lebanon's society – which comprises 17 different sectarian, religious and ethnic groups – is highly fragmented and divided and it is prone to produce conflict along sectarian lines. As such, outbursts of ethnic and religious violence within Lebanon have been a recurrent pattern in the country's history. Despite the numerous settlements and ad hoc agreements signed in the aftermath of the civil war (1975–1989), Lebanon has never achieved a stable resolution of its sectarian conflicts and a subsequent normalization of inter-community relations.2 This Syrian ‘exceptionalism’ historically led the country to claim ‘distinctive relations’ (alaqat mumayyaza) with Lebanon. The notion is rooted in the concept of ‘Greater Syria’, an idea that was summarized by Hafez al-Assad who said, ‘Throughout history, Syria and Lebanon have been one country and one people’ (see Salloukh, Citation2005: 14; Dawisha, Citation1984: 229 [quote]).3 For example, just a day following the killing, the US recalled its ambassador from Damascus, a gesture which signalled that the Americans thought Syria was involved in the murder (see International Crisis Group, Citation2010: 2).4 In a 2005 poll by the Beirut Centre for Research and Information, 59.5 per cent of polled members of the Sunni community were in favour of creating an international tribunal, while only 24.7 per cent of Lebanese Shiite supported the same solution. See (in Arabic) http://www.beirutcenter.info/Default.asp?ContentID = 653&menuID = 465 For example, two Lebanese prime ministers (Riyad al-Sulh and Rashid Karami) were assassinated as well, respectively in 1951 and in 1987. Also Lebanese presidents (Bashir Gemayel and René Moawad) were assassinated in 1982 and 1989

Criminology · Economic Justice · International community · Legitimacy · Political science · Politics · Sociology · Tribunal · Jewish and Middle Eastern Studies · Law · Middle East and Rwanda Conflicts · Middle East Politics and Society

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