Pathways and Crime Prevention

Cullompton : Willan ( 2007 ) 368pp. £50.00hb ISBN 978-1-84392-202-5 £26.50pb ISBN 978-1-84392-201-8 The key phrase of this book is the one where the editors refer to giving a ‘central place to individual development at the expense of external influences’ (p.xix). This theme is echoed, from a variety of different, and in some cases competing, perspectives. In Part One the editors utilise Pierre Bourdieu (1991) in their recognition of local context, and, just as usefully, John Muncie (2004) which serves as a reminder of debates about State intervention. The other chapters highlight some of the theoretical/philosophical tensions at regular intervals. Jeanette Lawrence notes that contemporary development promotes ‘fine tuned diagnoses of hot spots’, yet how this deals with the net-widening tensions mentioned by Muncie is unclear. Jacqueline Goodnow, in by far the best chapter, provides an excellent discussion on how context (points made in more sociological discussion by Tilley (2002) and Hughes and Edwards (2002), respectively), both plays a role in criminal decision making and patterns and pathways, but should also therefore play a greater role in intervention and prevention. Other Part One chapters usefully look at mythology in the practitioner world, differing academic and practitioner approaches to risk, and the use of the life course perspective with regard to bullying. All the chapters provide worthwhile critiques of the worlds they are looking at. Part One includes a fascinating work on the predicting of the prevalence of repeat sexual victimisation. Weatherburn and Lind take on collective efficacy, arguing that it is parenting factors which matter, with little evidence that community-led surveillance and intervention plays a critical role in determining efficacy. However, the authors seem to ignore the idea that collective efficacy may support parenting. That they do not mention the evidence does not mean it is not there (see, for instance, Hope and Lab 2001; Hope and Karstedt 2003). Part Two is perhaps less impressive. Returning to the themes of Weatherburn and Lind, Freiberg, Homel and Lamb show that the rhetoric on context is difficult to sow into the instinctive direction of developmental empirical work. Other chapters include use of organisational theory in research around intervention and practice, the use of ‘leisure’ theory, which stems from routine activity theory (although it is difficult to see what is added), and an underlining of the need for further larger-scale research into childcare. In the standout chapter of Part Two, Denning and Homel show why the lesson of context is important. Policy can be written, but politics and service delivery can be ignored: ‘Clearly, the developmental crime prevention focus of the Youth Justice Service policy got lost in translation’ (p.315). The importance of such ‘translation’, and the political contexts of prevention are key lessons. Finally, Gillian Pugh gives an overview of UK policy on child well-being. This is an excellent concluding chapter, reminding us of the twin masters of funding and public opinion with which all such forms of prevention must contend. It is this realisation which has led to the overall theme of the book, the recognition of social context. As such the book makes a worthy contribution to criminological prevention debate

Context (archaeology · Criminology · Epistemology · Intervention (counseling · Mythology · Poison control · Sociology · Suicide prevention · Theme (computing · Variety (cybernetics · Victimisation · Classics · Crime Patterns and Interventions · History · Medicine · Philosophy · Psychology

• Variation in Crime Prevention Participation

  Open Access•Tim Hope, Stevan P Lab•Crime Prevention and Community…•2001

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