State and Private Sector in the GCC after the Arab Uprisings
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 16908655 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Steffen Hertog (0000-0002-6758-9564, London School of Economics and Political Science, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2013 |
| Volume | 3 |
| Issue | 2 |
| Pages | 174-195 |
| Publication date | 2013-12-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Journal of Arabian Studies (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 2153-4764 • E-ISSN: 2153-4780 |
| Publisher | Informa UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB) |
| DOI | 10.1080/21534764.2013.863678 |
| OpenAlex | W2030521245 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 12 |
| References cited | 19 |
While the Gulf private sector has made huge strides since the first oil boom, most of its activities still amount to more sophisticated rent recycling rather than autonomous diversification. Its interests are in stark opposition to those of the citizenry at large, as it provides no taxes, little employment and few investment opportunities for GCC nationals. Instead, business and other social forces face a zero-sum conflict over — in some cases increasingly scarce — state resources. This structural isolation of business helps to explain Gulf capitalists' weak role in today's public political arena despite a strong pre-oil history of collective action. In recent decades, business elites have either kept their heads below the parapet or have provided auxiliary public support to beleaguered local regimes. They have for the most part abstained from or failed in electoral politics; in austere times, regimes have privileged the distributional interests of the state salariat and consumers at large over those of business. Gulf business has a chance for a greater developmental role and political autonomy only if it increases its interdependence with society at large through providing a tax base, employment and investment opportunities for GCC citizens. Of the three, employment is the most important and could decide the political fate of private capital in the Gulf in the long run
Autonomy · Business · Collective action · Diversification (marketing strategy · Economic growth · Economic policy · Economics · Market economy · Opposition (politics · Political economy · Political science · Politics · Private sector · State (computer science · Law · Middle East and Rwanda Conflicts · Natural Resources and Economic Development · Socioeconomic Development in MENA
Administrative policy and strategic discretion
Greening the Gulf
Investigating low-carbon pathways for hydrocarbon-dependent rentier states
Authority and Accountability
Towards a sociology of state investment funds? sovereign wealth funds and state-business relations in Saudi Arabia
Infrastructure Public–Private Partnerships in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar
Tools of regime stability
Can Saudi Arabia Move beyond "Production with Rentier Characteristics"? Human Capital Development in the Transitional Oil Economy
Political Economy of Rentierism in the Middle East and Disruptions from the Digital Space
Traders to Tycoons
State-Business Relations and Clientelism in Qatar
Reevaluating the Middle-Class Protest Paradigm
Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East (Centre for Middle Eastern Studies)
Embedded Autonomy
Oil and Politics in the Gulf
Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats
From Privilege to Competition
Capitalism and Class in the Gulf Arab States
Shifting Geo-Economic Power of the Gulf
Oman Beyond the Oil Horizon
The History of Saudi Arabia
T he GCC and A rab E conomic I ntegration
Arab Nationalism and British opposition in Dubai, 1920–66
A Nation of Bureaucrats
Defying the Resource Curse
Locked in Place
Governing the Market
Shaikhly Authority in the Pre-oil Gulf
The Sociology of the Gulf Rentier Systems
| Unique citing works | 12 |
|---|---|
| Citations per year | 1.2 |
| Citation span | 2016 - 2026 (11) |
| Citation velocity | current |
| Highly cited | No |
| Citation types | Neutral: 12 |