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Sisterhood in prosodic branching

Bibliographic Data

ID20399400
AuthorsSara Myrberg (0000-0002-9469-6058, Stockholm University, corresponding author)
Year2013
Volume30
Issue1
Pages73-124
Publication date2013-05-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessYes
TypeARTICLE
VenuePhonology (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0952-6757 • E-ISSN: 1469-8188
PublisherCambridge University Press (CUP) (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.1017/s0952675713000043
OpenAlexW2045039761
LanguageEN
Citations received47
References cited44

This article discusses the syntax–prosody interface, drawing on evidence from Stockholm Swedish. It is shown that a Swedish main clause containing an embedded clause has three prosodic correlates, two of which are non-isomorphic to the syntactic bracketing. However, two coordinated clauses have only one – isomorphic – prosodic correlate. Optimality-theoretic constraints (Prince & Smolensky 1993) are used to derive this variation. A new markedness constraint, E qual S isters , is argued to be responsible for a preference for flat prosodic structures. This constraint requires that sister nodes in prosodic structure belong to the same prosodic category, and therefore sometimes conflicts with match constraints, which call for syntax–prosody correspondence (Selkirk 2009, 2011). When high-ranked, E qual S isters forces syntax–prosody non-isomorphism if the input syntactic structure contains embedding, whereas full isomorphism is predicted in coordinated structures. The previously suggested markedness constraints N on-recursivity and E xhaustivity (Selkirk 1996) cannot replace E qual S isters , and in the present account are rendered redundant

Linguistics · Markedness · Optimality theory · Phonology · Prosody · Syntax · Computer Science · Linguistic Variation and Morphology · Mathematics · Philosophy · Phonetics and Phonology Research · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation

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Unique citing works47
Citations per year3,92
Citation span2014 - 2025 (12)
Citation velocityrecent
Highly citedNo
Citation typesNeutral: 40

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