The Fruits of Perception

Ethnic Politics' and the Case of Kenya's Constitutional Referendum

Datos Bibliográficos

ID2137553
AutoresGabrielle Lynch (0000-0003-3669-1969, University of Oxford)
Año2006
Volumen65
Número2
Páginas233-270
Fecha de publicación2006-12-01
Peer ReviewedSí
Open AccessNo
TipoARTICLE
RevistaAfrican Studies (JOURNAL)
Identificadores de la revistaISSN: 0002-0184 • E-ISSN: 1469-2872
EditorialInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/00020180601035674
OpenAlexW2073961864
IdiomaEN
Citas recibidas28
Referencias citadas55

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Raila Odinga is the MP for Langata constituency in Nairobi, a leading figure in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), and was then the Minister for Roads. Raila is also the son of the late veteran ‘nationalist’ and ‘opposition’ politician, Oginga Odinga. For details of Raila's career see Badejo 2006 Badejo, B. A. 2006. Raila Odinga: An Enigma in Kenyan Politics, Nigeria: Yintab Books. [Google Scholar]. 2. For details of alleged comments and ‘ethnic slurs’ made by politicians during the campaigns see, Kenyan Pundit 15 November 2005, “Comments: Use of hate speech and language that is likely to incite violence during the referendum campaigns”, posted by Ory Okolloh at www.kenyanpundit.com 3. In general, interview details have not been cited in this article. This omission is partly to protect respondents' privacy, but also because of the nature of a general impression, which is inevitably gained from observations, subjects discussed, subjects not discussed, tone and body language as much as it is from quotable statements. 4. Ford-Kenya was formed in August 1992 after a split in the original Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD), established in August 1991. Originally headed by Oginga Odinga, the party chairmanship passed to the Luhya politician and party deputy, Michael Wamalwa, after Odinga's death in January 1994. Yet, Raila contested Wamalwa's leadership, and in 1997, Raila left the party, accompanied by the majority of Luo MPs and members, and joined the rival National Democratic Party (NDP). Moreover, in 2004, the idea of Ford-Kenya as a Luhya party was further endorsed when the party leadership passed to Musikari Kombo, another prominent Luhya politician, after Wamalwa's death in August. 5. Mwai Kibaki received over 37 per cent of the votes cast in the presidential ballot in all eight provinces. According to the current constitution a successful presidential candidate has to receive at least 25 per cent of the vote in five of the country's eight provinces. In 1992 and 1997 only the incumbent – President Moi – managed to achieve such nationwide support. 6. For another example of such negotiation see Markakis 1998 Markakis, J. 1998. “The Politics of Identity – The Case of the Gurage in Ethiopia”. In Ethnicity and the State in Eastern Africa Edited by: Salih, M. A.M. and Markakis, J. [Google Scholar]:140–141. Markakis demonstrates how, in Ethiopia, the Soddo Jida, generally viewed as a sub-group of the Gurage, have come to emphasize their Oromo ‘origins’ following the constitutional changes of 1991 and subsequent emergence of the Oromo as potentially the largest and most influential ethnic group in the country. 7. The Initiative was named after Ufungamano House in Nairobi, home to a Christian Student Leadership Centre that is run as a joint venture by the National Council of Churches of Kenya and the Kenya Episcopal Conference. 8. For an overview of the constitutional review process see Adar 2000 Adar, K. 2000. Assessing Democratisation Trends in Kenya: A Post-Mortem of the Moi Regime. Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 38(3): 103–130. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]; Ajulu 2001 Ajulu, R. 2001. Kenya: One Step Forward, Three Steps Back: The Succession Dilemma. Review of African Political Economy, 28(88): 197–212. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]; Kindiki and Ambani 2005 Kindiki, K. and Ambani, O. 2005. The Anatomy of Bomas: Selected Analyses of the 2004 Draft Constitution of Kenya, Edited by: Kindiki, K. and Ambani, O. Nairobi: Claripress Limited. [Google Scholar]; Ng'ethe and Kayumanga 2003 Ng'ethe, N. and Katumanga, M. 2003. “Transition and the Politics of Constitution Making: A Comparative Study of Uganda, South Africa and Kenya”. In The Politics of Transition in Kenya: From KANU to NARC, Edited by: Oyugi, W., Wanyande, P. and Odhiambo-Mbai, C. Nairobi: Heinrich Böll Foundation. [Google Scholar]; and Mutunga 1999 Mutunga, W. 1999. Constitution-Making from the Middle: Civil Society and Transition Politics in Kenya, 1992–1997, Nairobi: SAREAT. [Google Scholar]. 9. From a speech made by Kibaki at his swearing in ceremony in Uhuru Park, Nairobi, as quoted in Kenya Domestic Observation Programme 2003 Kenya Domestic Observation Programme. 2003. When Kenyans Spoke: 2002 General Elections Report, Nairobi: Kenya Domestic Observation Programme. [Google Scholar]:175–176. 10. For detailed accounts of these elections see Throup and Hornsby 1998 Throup, D. and Hornsby, C. 1998. Multi-Party Politics in Kenya: The Kenyatta and Moi States and the Triumph of the System in the 1992 Election, Oxford: James Currey. [Google Scholar] and Rutten, Mazrui and Grignon (eds) 2001 Rutten, M., Mazrui, A. and Grignon, F. 2001. Out for the Count: The 1997 General Elections and Prospects for Democracy in Kenya, Edited by: Rutten, M., Mazrui, A. and Grignon, F. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. [Google Scholar] respectively. 11. These were the DP led by Mwai Kibaki, the LDP, the National Party of Kenya (NPK) led by Charity Ngilu, and Ford-Kenya, led by Michael Wamalwa. 12. Due to a constitutional provision, Moi was unable to stand for election in 2002, and before Moi ‘installed’ Uhuru as his successor, the issue of who would succeed him was a matter of much debate. For examples of this debate see Ajulu 2001 Ajulu, R. 2001. Kenya: One Step Forward, Three Steps Back: The Succession Dilemma. Review of African Political Economy, 28(88): 197–212. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar] and Steeves 1999 Steeves, J. 1999. The Political Evolution of Kenya: The 1997 Elections and Succession Politics. Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 37(1): 71–94. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]. 13. These included Kibaki's DP, Charity Ngilu's NPK, and Michael Wamalwa's Ford-Kenya. Significantly, Charity Ngilu's party later changed its name to NAK, thus becoming in a sense, the ‘mother’ party of the later NaRC alliance; a fact that had interesting implications for later political jockeying. From early in 2003, differences arose as to whether NaRC should register as a party, and its component parts dissolve, or whether the parties comprising NaRC should continue as separate entities, organise their own party elections, and register their own members. Then in 2006, some government elites, with the backing of the president, formed a new party – Narc-Kenya – ostensibly in opposition to DP, of which Kibaki was still a member. 14. The term unbwogable came from a popular song by Kenya's Gidi Gidi Maji Maji. For an analysis of the appropriation and power of this popular song during the 2002 election campaign, see Nyairo and Ogude 2005 Nyairo, J. and Ogude, J. 2005. Popular Music, Popular Politics: Unbwogable and the Idioms of Freedom in Kenyan Popular Music. African Affairs, 104(415): 225–249. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]. 15. A term used in common parlance to refer to a group of politicians believed to be close to President Kibaki, who hail mainly from Kibaki's DP and from the Mount Kenya area of Central Province and parts of Eastern Province. 16. Namely Mwai Kibaki, George Saitoti, Raila Odinga, Moody Awori, Michael Wamalwa, Charity Ngilu, Kalonzo Musyoka and Kipruto arap Kirwa. 17. Ford-People was established prior to the 1997 general election by a splinter group from Ford-Asili, itself formed in August 1992 when the original FORD split into Ford-Kenya led by Oginga Odinga, and Ford-Asili led by Kenneth Matiba. The catalyst for the creation of Ford-People was Kenneth Matiba's decision to boycott the 1997 election in protest against the lack of comprehensive constitutional reform. Originally a relatively minor political party, Ford-People was strengthened in 1998 when Simeon Nyachae abandoned KANU (after being demoted from the ministry of finance to industry) and took over the party's leadership. However, Ford-People found itself marginalised in the 2002 election by the ‘NaRC wave’, when in the presidential vote for example, Nyachae came third, behind Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta, with less than 6 per cent of the total national vote. 18. Dr Robert Ouko, Kenya's foreign minister, was found murdered near his home in Kisumu District in February 1990; he had been shot and then burned. Bishop Muge died in a car crash in August 1990 on his way back from Busia after Peter Okondo, the minister for labour, had warned the Bishop that he should not visit Busia as he may not return alive. 19. Namely Mwai Kibaki, Raila Odinga, Charity Ngilu and Koigi wa Wamwere. 20. In an opinion poll conducted by the Steadman Group in March 2003, it was found that, 87 per cent of Kenyans were optimistic that things would be better in 2003 than they had been in 2002. 21. This sentiment is reflected for example, in a collection of ‘Gado’ cartoons by Godfrey Mswampemba, published between 2000 and 2005 in the Daily Nation, which is entitled, The End of an Error ... and the Beginning of a New One!, the front cover of which, depicts President Kibaki looking in the mirror, only to find his reflection is of the former President Daniel arap Moi. 22. A public opinion poll conducted by the Steadman Group in March 2006, found that only 19 per cent of respondents trusted the country's politicians, in comparison 75 per cent trusted the media. For an analysis of how the Kibaki regime lost support so quickly, see Murunga and Nasong'o 2006 Murunga, G. and Nasong'o, S. 2006. Bent on Self-destruction: The Kibaki Regime in Kenya. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 24(1): 1–28. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]. 23. Namely Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka, Professor Anyang' Nyong'o, Najib Balala, Ochillo Ayacko, William ole Ntimama and Linah Kilimo. 24. Biwott, a powerful minister during the Moi era, refused to accept the KANU election results in January 2005, and instead moved to prevent the registration of the new party officers. In December 2005, the New Kanu Alliance Party of Kenya, or New Kanu, chaired by Amukoa Anangwe, was registered. Closely associated with Biwott, the party immediately sought to patent the well-recognised KANU symbols of a one-finger salute and cockerel. 25. Kabarak is the name of Moi's rural home near Nakuru. 26. Namely Vice-President Moody Awori, and cabinet ministers Kusikari Kombo, Mukhisa Kituyi and Newton Kulundu. 27. Namely Musalia Mudavadi, and former finance minister and KANU MP Chris Okemo. 28. According to Marcel Rutten, almost all of the formal Maasai political elite “have mixed origins”, although “some are considered to belong more to the Maasai society than others” (2001:431). George Saitoti, however, is perhaps the most famous example, as reflected in an Africa Confidential article that noted how, “Saitoti, now identified as a Masai, started life as a Kikuyu and was known for years as George Kinuthia Muthengi” (Africa Confidential ). 29. Groups commonly recognised as sub-groups of the greater Kalenjin grouping include the Nandi, Kipsigis, Tugen, Keiyo, Marakwet, Pokot, Sabaot, Terik, Ogiek and Sengwer. For a discussion of the complexity and contestation of this group see Lynch 2006 Lynch, G. 2006. Negotiating Ethnicity: Identity Politics in Contemporary Kenya. The Review of African Political Economy, 32(107): 49–65. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]. 30. As witnessed at the launch party of KASS FM, the Kalenjin language radio station, on 27 August 2005. 31. Notable in his attempt to build a multi-ethnic base was the Luo KANU secretary-general and former trade unionist, Tom Mboya. However, the impact of his murder in 1969 on Luo-Kikuyu relations, and the fact that he has been claimed as a ‘Luo’ leader, reveals that, even Mboya, was claimed in death by predominant ethnic logics. For details of Mboya's political career see Goldsworthy 1982 Goldsworthy, D. 1982. Tom Mboya: The Man Kenya Wanted to Forget, Nairobi: Heinemann Educational Books. [Google Scholar]. 32. William ole Ntimama is the MP for Narok North, and, while renowned for making chauvinistic comments about Maasai rights in Narok Districts vis-à-vis ‘foreigners’, ‘aliens’ or ‘outsiders’, he simultaneously boasts a strong Maasai support base, which has ensured his appointment to cabinet in both the Moi and Kibaki regimes. 33. Francis Lotodo, the late MP for Kapenguria, West Pokot District, was known as the ‘King of the Pokot’, and enjoyed a massive following throughout Pokotland for his fiery and determined stand on Pokot rights and interests. 34. Leading figures in both LDP and KANU (including Uhuru Kenyatta, who for a long time opposed the conversion of ODM into a political party) have publicly associated themselves with the new party. Simultaneously however, they have also declared that LDP and KANU will continue to exist as separate political parties. 35. For example, around 3,000 people were in attendance at an EMO meeting attended at the African Inland Church, Milimani, Nairobi on 24 September 2005. 36. A public opinion poll conducted by the Steadman Group in 2003 found that, Luo respondents – more than any other community – favoured a strong prime minister (Wolf 2004 Wolf, T. Governance Polling: Results, and current and future prospects. Paper presented at the Political Economy of Kenya Past and Present conference. May28, Oxford. St Antony's College. [Google Scholar]). 37. During 1997, Raila and Matiba took up a common position in demanding constitutional change before elections. Ultimately, Matiba boycotted the elections, however, his supporters did not troop to Raila's door, but instead appear to have backed Kibaki. The man nicknamed ‘General Kiguoya’ or ‘General Coward’, by Matiba's supporters before the 1992 election due to his late arrival in the opposition ranks, and as a ‘yellow belly’ in 1997 for his middle of the road, non-confrontational stance on constitutional reform. 38. KASS FM is a Kalenjin vernacular radio station. Launched in 2006, the station was temporarily forced to shut down towards the end of the referendum campaigns, a government directive issued in the professed interest of peace and security. 39. ‘Memorandum on the Pokot Land Claim in Trans Nzoia District’, December 2001, a copy of which was given to the author by the Ogiek Welfare Council in Nakuru Town

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