On the aspectual values of gradable predicates in Mandarin Chinese
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 21398812 |
|---|---|
| Authors | I‐hao Woo (0000-0002-2485-1083, Department of Modern Languages University of Colorado, Denver Campus Box 178, P.O. Box 173364 Denver CO 80217, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2024 |
| Volume | 78 |
| Issue | 3 |
| Pages | 483-517 |
| Publication date | 2024-12-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | Yes |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Studia Linguistica (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0039-3193 • E-ISSN: 1467-9582 |
| Publisher | Wiley (PUBLISHER • GB) |
| DOI | 10.1111/stul.12240 |
| OpenAlex | W4399760609 |
| Language | EN |
| References cited | 34 |
This study presents a syntactic analysis of the different aspectual readings of a gradable predicate in Mandarin Chinese. It is argued that such predicates contain an uninterpretable/underspecified [α dynamic] feature that needs a value. To receive a value, the feature must be in a c‐command relation with a functional element. For example, a functional element like the degree adverb hen ‘very,’ which is in the head of the Degree Phrase, can assign the feature with a negative value, and the predicate has a stative reading. In contrast, a null atelic morpheme in the head of the Inner Aspect Phrase can give a plus value to the predicate and it has an atelic and dynamic reading. The present study also discusses the telic reading of the same kind of predicates functioning either as the main predicate or a secondary one. It is argued that a covert telic morpheme is responsible for the telic reading. The proposed analysis shows that a syntactic account is as plausible as a lexical one, providing a comprehensive understanding of the aspectual readings of gradable predicates in Mandarin Chinese
Linguistics · Mandarin Chinese · Lexicography and Language Studies · Linguistic Variation and Morphology · Mathematics · Philosophy · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
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The Parameter of Aspect
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| Citation velocity | historical |
|---|---|
| Highly cited | No |