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An experimental investigation of the Deep Double- o Constraint in Japanese causative constructions

Bibliographic Data

ID21477229
AuthorsAbbey List (0000-0002-6569-810X, Duke University , Durham , NC , USA), Yunchuan Chen (0000-0002-7671-6350, Duke University , Durham , NC , USA, corresponding author)
Year2024
Volume40
Issue1
Pages87-108
Publication date2024-05-27
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueJournal of Japanese Linguistics (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0197-3150 • E-ISSN: 2512-1413
PublisherWalter de Gruyter GmbH (PUBLISHER • DE)
DOI10.1515/jjl-2024-2005
OpenAlexW4396696340
LanguageEN
References cited6

The Double- o Constraint (D o C) was proposed to explain the ungrammaticality of having two or more noun phrases (NPs) marked by the accusative case marker - o in a single Japanese clause. It has been argued that there are two types of D o Cs: the Surface Double- o Constraint (SD o C) and the Deep Double- o Constraint (DD o C). The DD o C prohibits two accusative arguments in a single argument structure and is not affected by the number of accusative case markers on the surface. The evidence is from Japanese causatives. Our study conducted an experiment to test the DD o C and found that it may only apply to some native Japanese speakers

Geometry · Linguistics · Chemistry · Computer Science · Mathematics · Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism · Philosophy · Phonetics and Phonology Research · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation

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