Not so peculiar after all
On the normal position of arguments of German experiencer-object verbs
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 22130683 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Simon Masloch (0000-0002-9292-4395, Ruhr University Bochum), Johanna Marie Poppek (0000-0003-0353-1109, Ruhr University Bochum), Tibor Kiss (0000-0003-1857-3686, Ruhr University Bochum) |
| Year | 2024 |
| Volume | 9 |
| Issue | 1 |
| Publication date | 2024-06-24 |
| Open Access | Yes |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Glossa a journal of general linguistics (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 2397-1835 • E-ISSN: 2397-1835 |
| Publisher | Open Library of the Humanities (PUBLISHER) |
| DOI | 10.16995/glossa.10150 |
| OpenAlex | W4399314222 |
| Language | EN |
| References cited | 31 |
The present paper argues that seemingly erratic linearisation patterns of experiencer-object verbs in German can be accounted for by considering well-known linearisation constraints. The analysis is based on two Two-Alternative Forced-Choice experiments: The first study tests experiencer-object verbs with inanimate subjects, the second one tests experiencer-object verbs with animate subjects. If the subject is inanimate, experiencer-object verbs selecting a dative object (e.g., behagen ‘to please’) prefer an object-before-subject linearisation while the ones selecting an accusative object (e.g., bezaubern ‘to charm’) lean towards subject before object. With animate subjects, accusative-object experiencer-object verbs prefer subject before object, while there is no clear preference for dative-object experiencer-object verbs. An explorative investigation reveals verb-specific differences that call into question the case-based classes. We argue that linearisation preferences of experiencer-object verbs in German should be analysed by coupling free base generation with violable linearisation constraints. We provide an analysis along these lines, which is based on a semantic distinction and does not require case-based constraints
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| Highly cited | No |
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