Dissimilatorischer Schwund von /l/ im Griechischen
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 22311405 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Daniel Kölligan (0000-0002-3134-8398, Universität zu Köln Institut für Linguistik – Abteilung Historisch-Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft 50923 Köln Deutschland, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2017 |
| Volume | 130 |
| Issue | 1 |
| Pages | 42-62 |
| Publication date | 2017-12-07 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Historical Linguistics (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0935-3518 • E-ISSN: 2196-8071 |
| Publisher | Walter de Gruyter GmbH (PUBLISHER • DE) |
| DOI | 10.13109/hisp.2017.130.1.42 |
| OpenAlex | W2901966637 |
| Language | DE |
| References cited | 9 |
The paper examines possible cases of dissimilatory loss of one of two laterals in lexemes of Ancient Greek, comparing the contexts of dissimilatory loss of /r/ studied by Vine (2011). While /l/ is lost in onset position after C, it is dissimilated to /r/ in coda. As the process is sensitive to syllable weight, it may provide further evidence for Ancient Greek as a language using the syllable as its basic prosodic category in the sense of Auer (1993). The contexts of loss of /l/ are a subset of those of loss of /r/. Both processes are claimed to be due to the long transition features of /r/ and /l/ and a hearer-based interpretation of the signal as unique to one syllable, similar to Grassmann’s law
Coda · Linguistics · Syllable · History · Lexicography and Language Studies · Linguistics and language evolution · Philosophy · Phonetics and Phonology Research
La formation des noms en grec ancien
Kleine Schriften zur Indogermanistik und zur griechischen Wortkunde
Beiträge zur griechischen Grammatik.
Der phonologisch-typologische Wandel des Deutschen von einer Silben- zu einer Wortsprache
S-Stem Nouns and Adjectives in Greek and Proto-Indo-European
Die Präferenztheorie in der historischen Phonologie aus junggrammatischer Perspektive
Onsets contribute to syllable weight
| Citation velocity | historical |
|---|---|
| Highly cited | No |