The origin of the Proto-Indo-European nominal plural ending *-ōs
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 22311526 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Sverre Stausland Johnsen (Department of Linguistics and Scandinavian Studies University of Oslo PO Box 1102 Blindern 0317 Oslo Norway, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2021 |
| Volume | 134 |
| Issue | 1 |
| Pages | 186-195 |
| Publication date | 2021-10-12 |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Historical Linguistics (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0935-3518 • E-ISSN: 2196-8071 |
| Publisher | Walter de Gruyter GmbH (PUBLISHER • DE) |
| DOI | 10.13109/hisp.2021.134.1.186 |
| OpenAlex | W4362687419 |
| Language | EN |
| References cited | 3 |
Under the view that Proto-Indo-European (PIE) formed its nominal plural forms by adding the plural marker *-s to the case suffix, the ‘expected’ nom.pl. ending in thematic stems would be *-oss, in which the plural marker *-s is added to the nom.sg. ending *-os. By Szemerényi’s law, such an original ending *-oss would give *-ōs with simplification of the final *-ss and lengthening of the preceding vowel. Since the postulated development of *-oss to *-ōs matches the ending *-ōs reconstructed for PIE, it is hypothesized in this paper that the scenario sketched above reflects the actual origin of this reconstructed ending
Linguistics · Plural · Ancient and Medieval Archaeology Studies · History · Linguistics and language evolution · Philosophy
| Highly cited | No |
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