Women's Marital Naming in Two Generations

A National Study

Bibliographic Data

ID2590215
AuthorsDavid Read Johnson (0000-0002-4691-2019, corresponding author), Laurie K Scheuble
Year1995
Volume57
Issue3
Pages724
Publication date1995-08-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueJournal of Marriage and the Family (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0022-2445 • E-ISSN: 1741-3737
PublisherJSTOR (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.2307/353926
OpenAlexW1965712678
LanguageEN
Citations received49
References cited10

Social explanations for patterns and trends in marital naming have received only sporadic attention from both social scientists and mass media, although researchers have recognized need to further study issue (Duggan, Cota, & Dion, 1993). In United States, normative expectation is that women will take their husband's last when they marry, How much this tradition has changed over time is uncertain, given that there has been little research that has empirically examined extent to which marital naming patterns depart from this traditional norm. One recent study found that 10% of married women in U.S. use something other than their husband's last name (Brightman, 1994, p. 9). Five percent of women in study hyphenated their last with that of their spouse, 2% used their maiden exclusively, and 3% used some other alternative, such as their birth surname as a middle name. Women most likely to use a nonconventional last had higher levels of education, were younger, and were either in low-income or high-income category (Brightman, 1994). Although these findings give some indication of frequency of nonconventional naming choices in U.S., study failed to empirically examine, in any detail, what factors account for nontraditional marital naming choices. The extent to which naming patterns depart from traditional pattern can have important social .consequences. Language, and meanings and symbols attached to it, tell us a lot about social relationships (McDowell & Pringle, 1992). The practice of a married woman her husband's name arises from a time when patriarchal nature of marriage was dominant in American society. This practice symbolically reinforced view that woman's identity was subsumed under her status as a wife (Weitzman, 1981). If United States is moving away from this pattern of naming, then of her issues are raised, such as how a family is labeled and identified by others (e.g., as the Jones), which last is given to offspring, and extent to which use of different last names by two spouses affects identification with marriage. Further examination of these issues first requires some empirical evidence about extent to which such practices are changing and about factors that influence marital choices. Our research study focuses on national prevalence of naming practices in two generations, social determinants of naming choices, and intergenerational transmission of marital naming practices. Little empirical information is available about any of these issues. Premarital preferences indicated by college students suggest that in about 9 out of 10 marriages, women plan to take last of their husband (Scheuble & Johnson, 1993). Little is known about prevalence of woman taking last of her spouse but keeping her birth surname as her middle name. Although personal observations suggest that this is a relatively common choice, Brightman's (1994) findings from a national sample suggest that only 3% choose this practice. What factors predict whether or not a woman will make a nonconventional marital choice? We examine following characteristics of married persons that may affect choice: age, age at first marriage, education, premarital cohabitation, age when dating began, religiosity, income, gender role traditionalism, wife's career orientation, parents' naming practices, community size and region. We expect that younger women will be more likely than older women to select a nonconventional last upon marriage, given that older women are more likely to have married during a time when traditional role expectations were more pervasive. Younger women are more likely to have experienced changing marital role expectations that have been brought about by increased educational levels, lower fertility, higher divorce rates, and changes in gender role attitudes

Developmental psychology · Marital status · Norm (philosophy · Normative · Political science · Population · Sociology · Spouse · Demography · Gender Studies in Language · Names, Identity, and Discrimination Research · Psychology · Social Psychology

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