Juan Manuel de Rosas

The life and times of Juan Manuel de Rosas, governor of Buenos Aires from 1829 to 1832 and from 1835 to 1852, have motivated many studies ever since. His conception of power and political legacy have aroused debate in Argentina among different schools of historical interpretation as well as animated discussion in the broader public sphere. The most recent publication concerning this historical legend is the biography cowritten by Jorge Gelman and Raúl Fradkin, two prestigious social historians who have made outstanding contributions in the field of nineteenth-century Argentine rural history. This is no doubt helpful for a study focused on a man who built his political power base in rural Buenos Aires province during Argentina's incipient and traumatic nation-building process. The book is also the first relevant biography of Rosas since John Lynch's Argentine Dictator: Juan Manuel de Rosas, 1829–52 (1981).As has been the case with most recent contributions on the Rosas period—among others, Jorge Myers's subtle and sophisticated analysis of the construction of Rosas's republican discourse by his main publicists, Marcela Ternavasio's meticulous study of the election process in Buenos Aires province, and Ricardo Salvatore's invaluable assessment of civic celebrations and the subaltern classes—this work offers a nuanced account of the Rosista experience, an achievement that, given the antagonistic passions provoked by this character, was practically inconceivable a few decades ago. In this sense, the book's most noticeable contribution comes in the first four chapters, an exhaustive assessment of the rural context in early nineteenth-century Buenos Aires province and how Rosas developed his potential as a farmer and militia leader within that sphere. The analysis here is so extensive and deep that only when one reaches the end of chapter 4 does Rosas's first government begin. These chapters also contain one of the book's main assumptions: that, contrary to the long-prevailing consensus, Rosas's political power base was not constructed on the same model as his estancias. The authors downplay this notion and stress that it was his capacity as a rural militia leader, rather than his attributes as an estanciero, that explains both his charisma and broad support once elected to rule Buenos Aires province in 1829.The authors thus emphasize that when Rosas became governor, he had already built a reputation as a man obsessed with providing high standards of order and security in the troubled Buenos Aires countryside, an objective he had been struggling to achieve when acting as militia commander in that district. The authors also point out that the visible levels of unconditional support for Rosas at this juncture stemmed in large part from the fact that he paid well his militiamen and rural employees, which the authors claim has not been sufficiently underlined. In his biography, Lynch had provided a suggestive analogy between Rosas's estanciero and political systems and Hobbesian rule. Lynch's analysis implied that support for Rosas was based on a systematic and effective process of coercion similar to the methods of domination applied on his rural properties. This view strikes Gelman and Fradkin as somewhat stereotypical because it does not sufficiently account for the material benefits received by both the milicianos and peones who had served under Rosas before his political ascent.Also worth mentioning for this first section are Fradkin and Gelman's comments on the precise extent of the saladeros, where meat was preserved in those days, owned by Rosas during this period. Given that Rosas owned one in partnership with other investors and that these establishments were not yet fully developed, the authors maintain that they were not his main source of income. As for Rosas's economic convictions, Gelman and Fradkin state that before he was governor he was essentially inclined toward the principles of free trade. This may well puzzle a few readers familiar with the protectionist nature of some of his later reforms.This illuminating first half of the book is followed by the chapters that deal with Rosas's 20 years as governor. The authors provide a fluid and well-structured narrative of the period's main political and social issues, but these chapters lack the earlier section's depth. The authors also avoid certain themes of Rosas's discourse and rhetoric as well as the main aspects of his political practices, somewhat disconcerting given the recent significant scholarly contributions made in these areas, such as Myers's Orden y virtud: El discurso republicano en el régimen rosista (1995) and Ternavasio's La revolución del voto: Política y elecciones en Buenos Aires, 1810–1852 (2002)—works that the authors barely acknowledge in these chapters.The last chapters provide a reflective account of Rosas's controversial policing methods and his handling of foreign affairs. Gelman and Fradkin describe the ruthless tactics of Rosas's armed units, especially during the turbulent years from 1838 to 1842, and also offer a well-balanced account of the diplomatic tensions between Rosas's government and the French and British empires. The authors wisely stress that in spite of those nations' naval blockades of Buenos Aires, Rosas enjoyed essentially cordial relations with British entrepreneurs, residents, and consuls in that city during most of his time in power. The implicit claim is that Rosas's fame in Argentina as an anti-British icon is a simplistic construction having more to do with an outdated chauvinist perspective than with a constructive and objective analysis, a conclusion basically shared by Lynch.In sum, this book represents a valuable contribution to the field of study now commonly referred to as Rosismo, especially due to its rich and incisive analysis of the rioplatense rural environment out of which this immense historical character emerged

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