The Dictator Dilemma
The United States and Paraguay in the Cold War
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 2832923 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Bridget María Chesterton (0009-0003-5874-5136, Buffalo State, State University of New York, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2020 |
| Volume | 100 |
| Issue | 2 |
| Pages | 386-388 |
| Publication date | 2020-05-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Hispanic American Historical Review (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0018-2168 • E-ISSN: 1527-1900 |
| Publisher | Duke University Press (PUBLISHER • US) |
| DOI | 10.1215/00182168-8178677 |
| OpenAlex | W3017276834 |
| Language | EN |
The dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner (1954–89) is infamous for its longevity and brutality. Seeking to understand how Stroessner remained in power for such a long period of time, Kirk Tyvela's important new work puts into perspective how not only Stroessner consolidated his power locally by limiting dissent within his own political party (the Colorados) but also, more importantly for Tyvela, his regime was able to maintain stability and control by securing economic aid in the form of grants and loans from a compliant US government spanning seven presidential administrations with often-contrasting foreign policy approaches.According to Tyvela, Stroessner announced to US officials that his government was staunchly anticommunist and steadfastly democratic. This pleased administrations from Dwight Eisenhower to Gerald Ford that were willing to turn a blind eye to human rights abuses and a lack of democratic norms in return for security and stability in the Southern Cone. In other words, authoritarian governments like Stroessner's were tolerated because the policymakers in the United States believed that authoritarian dictatorships were better than any kind of communist regime.Tyvela uses the term skeptics to describe “policymakers . . . who viewed attempts to promote democratization and later human rights in Paraguay as threatening to US global interests” (p. 7). On the other hand, he uses the term reformists for those who viewed the “failure to sufficiently effect political reforms in Paraguay” as potentially leading to leftist-leaning governments (p. 7). In other words, US policymakers were not monolithic in their approach to Paraguay. Each administration took a slightly different approach to the regime. Moreover, friendly relations between the United States and Paraguay were often tested. One example: Paraguay balked when the United States requested that a notorious drug lord, Auguste Ricord, be extradited. And another: Paraguay would attempt on occasion to extract more funds from the United States by claiming that they would take a neutral stance in the Cold War if these funds were not provided. These little bumps in the United States–Paraguay relationship were always overcome because US policymakers were willing to tolerate human rights abuses and simply support the regime if Paraguay publicly declared loyalty to the United States in the Cold War. This is what Tyvela calls the “dictator dilemma.”Relations between the Stroessner government and the United States were tested during the Jimmy Carter administration, when human rights became a priority. But even then, according to Tyvela, the Stroessner regime was able to navigate this period diplomatically by promising reform in return for grants or loans. This was enough for the United States to maintain friendly relations with Paraguay.In addition to an introduction and conclusion, Tyvela's text is organized into seven chapters that each begin by placing particular US administrations from Eisenhower to Ronald Reagan within a global context. For example, chapter 5, on the Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford administrations, begins by examining the global political and military challenges that they faced. This method of placing Paraguay within—and not apart from—a global context means that this text will have a readership beyond those interested solely in Paraguay, including those interested in understanding the history of the Cold War more broadly.The biggest takeaway from Tyvela's text is that Paraguayan officials were willing to pledge support to the United States in fighting communism in exchange for loans and grants. For example, Tyvela narrates how by giving financial support to the regime, the United States gave “a veneer of legitimacy that could not be measured in quantitative terms alone” (p. 27). The staunch anticommunism of Paraguayan officials and Stroessner meant that funds for the military and various other projects could come to Paraguay. As long as the funds kept coming, anticommunism would be voiced.Using archival sources in both the United States and Paraguay along with oral testimonies, Tyvela's book is well documented. However, the book's top-heavy approach to history means that how US funds were used is often unclear. Were roads constructed? Did hospitals get built? Was the money used for bribes and corrupt purposes? It is impossible to know from this text where the millions of dollars given in the form of loans or grants were used. This is a problem, as it is not possible to determine if life under Stroessner improved or basically stayed the same during the Cold War.This critique notwithstanding, this is a well-written and well-researched book. The author should be congratulated for his efforts to contextualize the United States–Paraguay relationship in the Cold War while at the same time dealing with the minutiae that is diplomatic history
Authoritarianism · Democracy · Democratization · Dictator · Dictatorship · Human rights · Left-wing politics · Military government · Political economy · Political science · Politics · Presidential system · Sociology · Veto · Global Peace and Security Dynamics · Law
| Citation velocity | historical |
|---|---|
| Highly cited | No |