Political Immunization and Political Confessionalism
The United States and Weimar Germany
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 3270733 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Walter Dean Burnham (corresponding author) |
| Year | 1972 |
| Volume | 3 |
| Issue | 1 |
| Pages | 1 |
| Publication date | 1972-01-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | The Journal of Interdisciplinary History (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0022-1953 • E-ISSN: 1530-9169 |
| Publisher | JSTOR (PUBLISHER) |
| DOI | 10.2307/202460 |
| OpenAlex | W2333127171 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 29 |
The United States and Weimar Germany One of the most salient features of an innovative work published in the I96os is the discussion by William McPhee and Jack Ferguson of immunization.I This construct may be viewed as a specific extension of general learning theory. People who participate across time in an electoral system develop partisan commitments as they grow older. As these commitments become entrenched with age and with reinforcing primary-group relations, voters should become increasingly immunized from political appeals arising outside of that part of the electoral mainstream to which they have become committed. Thus occurs the authors' paradox: For politics of a relatively moderate center to dominate the system, the individuals and groups in it must acquire immoderate political commitments. A major contributor to this pattern is the family's role in the political socialization of the young. There is a strong and well-documented tendency, particularly in the United States, for partisan or tendence identification to be transmitted from parents (especially fathers) to their children. The inverse of political immunization, of course, is political contagion: the vulnerability of an electorate or one of its major elements to capture by a radical movement arising outside of the political system. Converse argues on the basis of survey evidence that time is a crucial component of stability in any system of electoral politics.2 He concludes that the longer an electoral system or political regime endures, the greater must be the shocks that would suffice to overthrow it. Or, stated from a different perspective, the greatest danger to a democratic electoral system occurs in its infancy, i.e., in a period when attachments are still relatively feeble for a very large part of the total electorate
Political economy · Political science · Politics · Sociology · Weimar Republic · Law · Populism, Right-Wing Movements · Youth Education and Societal Dynamics
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Takeoff Point for the National Socialist Party
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Social Movements and Networks
Religious practice and anti‐Labor partisanship
The Theoretical and Methodological Utility of Space and Spatial Statistics for Historical Studies
Two Germanys? Investigating the Religious and Social Base of the 1930 Nazi Electorate
How “Catholic” Was the Early Nazi Movement? Religion, Race, and Culture in Munich, 1919–1924
Quantitative German History in the United States and the United Kingdom
The Bourgeois Middle in German Politics, 1871–1933
The Geography of the Nazi Vote
The Consequences of Electoral Laws
Elite Influence? Religion and the Electoral Success of the Nazis
Do Frozen Cleavages Ever Go Stale? The Bases of the Canadian and Australian Party Systems
The Sociology of Nazism
A TimeSpace for electoral geography
Ordinary Economic Voting Behavior in the Extraordinary Election of Adolf Hitler
Joining the Nazi Party
Theory and Voting Research
Radicalization of the middle classes or mobilization of the unpolitical
| Unique citing works | 29 |
|---|---|
| Citations per year | 0,56 |
| Citation span | 1974 - 2020 (47) |
| Citation velocity | historical |
| Highly cited | No |
| Citation types | Neutral: 27 |