Yasukuni Fundamentalism

Mark R. Mullins calls his book “an exercise in historical sociology of religion that critically engages the contemporary debates surrounding secularization in light of postwar developments in Japanese religions” (27). The author has spent many years in Japan studying, documenting, and reflecting on the topic, observing the development of the neonationalist religiopolitical agenda firsthand. In the introduction, he critically examines the term fundamentalism, shedding light on the views of theorists and how the term has been applied variously to Christian and non-Christian groups and ideologues. While some have argued that fundamentalism does not exist in Japan or that the term applies only in Christian contexts, throughout this study Mullins convinces us otherwise.As he explains, Yasukuni Shrine has been an important Japanese religious site since Emperor Meiji established it in Kyoto in 1868. It was relocated to Tokyo the next year. It is famous and infamous for enshrining all of Japan's war dead. Included in the group called “state-protecting shrines,” it was a part of what was labeled “State Shintō,” was administered by the army and navy, and was supported financially by the government until the end of World War II. Mullins skillfully tells the story of the history of support and opposition to Yasukuni, how the government and Shintō leaders came to alternately define it as nonreligious and religious, the national and international protests over Japanese prime ministers visiting the shrine to pay their respects, and more centrally, the rise of the political influence of Shintō fundamentalism and opposition to it in present-day Japan.To those who go there to honor their ancestors, Yasukuni Shrine is considered to be a sacred site. Near the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, it enshrines the spirits of 2.5 million people who died in service of emperor and country. Upon enshrinement, the souls of these people are thought to become kami, immortal spirits considered deserving of prayers for appeasement. These include fourteen who were tried and convicted in the Tokyo trials after WWII as class A war criminals, that is, those who planned and waged the war. It is known that Emperor Hirohito was incensed by their enshrinement, and subsequent emperors have been disinclined to visit Yasukuni. While this can be seen as a theoretical problem for the shrine, since the emperor had been considered a divine being and foremost among all people of the world, it has not been a legal problem owing to the separation of religion and state stipulated by the postwar constitution. In addition to the spirits of deceased Japanese nationals interred at Yasukuni, 27,863 Taiwanese and 21,181 Koreans are enshrined, some against the wishes of their families. Members of the conservative Liberal Democratic Party, including prime ministers, have visited the shrine to pay their respects, to the exasperation of many in Japan and elsewhere.The book is divided into two parts. Part 1 focuses on postwar nationalism, surveying ways religiopolitical movements have sought to restore the public role of Shintō. The first chapter, titled “Imperialist Secularization,” looks at how the Allied occupation of Japan restructured religion and society in that country. Before that time, the Japanese government viewed rituals performed at Shintō shrines for protection of the emperor and the nation, as well as rituals enacted in public schools in support of the emperor, to be nonreligious. The Allied occupation revisited this, designating such observances as a part of the “State Shintō” that lent credence to Japan's imperialism during the war and ending government support of shrines. While Shintō institutions survived the occupation even under scrutiny, their role in public life and the school system was greatly diminished.In the second chapter, “Shintō Responses to the Occupation: Privatization and Deprivatization,” Mullins describes how Shintō leaders and institutions first characterized their activities in terms of “privatization,” in reaction to the occupation policy that weakened Shintō's public influence. After this first period, Shintō theorists made critical evaluations of the “Shintō Directive” of December 15, 1945, and other policies of the supreme commander for the Allied powers during the occupation. Backed by such appraisals, Mullins says they entered a phase of “deprivatization” aimed at restoring the place of Shintō in public life and institutions. For example, from 1969 to 1974, leaders of the Liberal Democratic Party introduced six bills to the Diet aimed at restoring government support of Yasukuni Shrine and argued that trips to the shrine by government leaders should be recognized as “official visits” and deemed a part of their patriotic duties.In chapter 3, “Disasters and Social Crisis: The Mobilization of a Restoration Movement,” Mullins sheds light on the growth in support of the neonationalist agenda of the National Association of Shrines, the administrative organization that oversees Shintō shrines. The chapter considers the aftermath of the “double disaster” of 1995, that is, the Hanshin-Awaji earthquake and the sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway system by members of Aum Shinrikyō, and of the March 11, 2011, “triple disaster”—the earthquake, tsunami, and meltdown at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant. Mullins argues that the social crises that follow these events led to an atmosphere in which neonationalists were able to promote their agenda successfully. He illustrates his convincing narrative of their expanding influence and support with a table showing yearly increases in neonationalistic movements and activities and another table documenting initiatives and legislation promoted or passed. Among the many he lists and describes are the restoration of observance of the flag in schools, the disciplinary action taken against 180 teachers who refused to sing the national anthem in Tokyo public schools, and Prime Minister Abe's attempts to revise article 96 of the constitution that disallows Japan from having a standing army, as well as his later initiative to rewrite the entire constitution. Mullins demonstrates that not only did members of the Liberal Democratic Party become closer collaborators with the National Association of Shrines, but so did an assortment of Buddhist organizations, new religions, and indigenous Christians.In part 2 of the book, Mullins looks at how the neonationalist agenda described in part 1 has been and continues to be contested. Religious minorities, intellectuals, and others have objected to what they see as distortions in the revisionist history forwarded by neonationalists and included in textbooks, such as reenvisioning Japan's war effort as a righteous struggle against European and American imperialism in Asia. Agreeing with others who point out the disproportionate representation of conservative ideas in media coverage, Mullins seeks to correct this by spotlighting underrepresented opposition perspectives such as those held by groups of communists, Christians, and Buddhists. Accordingly, chapter 4 examines “The Politics of Yasukuni Shrine: Official Visits and Postwar Enshrinements.” Central to the chapter is a narrative of official visits to the shrine by politicians and postwar enshrinements. Chapter 5, “Patriotic Education: Civic Duties versus Religious Rights,” looks at the reappearance of national symbols in public life, particularly the flag and anthem in public schools, and the response by Japanese Protestant and Catholic leaders as well as teachers.Chapter 6 is on “Promoting Constitutional Revision: The Normalization of Nonreligious Shinto.” Mullins sees the proposal to revise the constitution as embracing the agenda of a coalition of neonationalists and going hand in hand with the erosion of individual rights and freedoms. The chapter is a treatment of the history of the push to revise, and the opposition it met from political and religious leaders over the years. In conclusion, the author refers to University of Tokyo professor Takahashi Tetsuya, who points out that the neonationalist initiatives are attempting to restore the “triadic system” of the Meiji period: military, Yasukuni Shrine, and patriotic education (192).I agree with Mullins that his book can be seen as a work of historical sociology of religion. It also has appeal for a wider audience, would be useful in a range of classes across disciplines, and will be appreciated by any scholar of Japanese studies. For me, not only was it personally informative, but it will also serve as a valuable classroom supplement to a favorite general textbook, Helen Hardacre's Shinto: A History (2016)

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