Roman Republics by Harriet I. Flower

412 PHOENIX justoneofmany possible approaches toa work ripe for further consideration" (200).In providing onedetailed andstimulating reading, BenTipping hasdonean"exemplary" job,which islikely togenerate further research onthis still under-researched poem. University College London GesineManuwald RomanRepublics.ByHarriet I. Flower. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 2010.Pp.220. WhenI firstheardof Harriet Flower s Roman Republics , I thought that theplural inthetitle might refer totheinteresting notion that therepublic meant different things todifferent people.As itturns out,theplural signifies theprosaic ideathat thefive centuries ofrepublican history canbedivided into sub-periods. Thebookargues against anill-defined "traditional view" thatseesthehistory oftherepublic as a "monolith," anditclaims toprovide aninevitably "more nuanced" alternative. Flower's work argues for tworelated butnonetheless distinct theses: first, that there is a periodization ofall republican history; andsecond, that thenormative republic ended with Sulla's reforms, which sheclaims isimportant, since views about theearlier republic areoften tinged by one'ssense ofhowitends.Thebookconsists ofthree parts with three chapters each, thefirst part focusing onperiodization down tothesecond century, while thesecond part covers thepolitical developments downtotheputative endoftherepublic with Sulla, andthelastpart therepublican codainthepostSullaera .These"republics" are basedentirely onananalysis ofinternal Roman politics; that is,these periods haveno applicability toother aspects ofhistory such asforeign expansion. Theperiods prior toSullaconsist ofa "pre-republican transitional period" (ca509494 ),a "proto-republic before thefirst written lawcode" (494-451/0), andfive republics (450-367/6, 366-300, 300-180, 180-139, 139-88), the last three alsobeing characterized asthe "republic ofthenobiles 1,2,3."With the exception ofthetraditional periodization at367onthebasisoftheadministrative reforms ending the"Struggle oftheOrders," these divisions arearbitrary onesbasedon events that do notreally mark much ofa demarcation. Forexample, 450 is chosen because oftheintroduction oftheTwelve Tables, which hasnothing todowith electoral politics, and180is thedateofthelex Villia annalis ,which ismerely oneelement intheregularization ofsenatorial careers that wasimplemented over thecourse ofthefirst half ofthesecond century. Atthis point, Flower begins toshift tothesecond theme ofthebook.Chapters Five andSixgivea fairly unobjectionable discussion oftheincreasing violence inpolitics in "Republic 5,"andtheintersection ofthis with theexplosive issue oftheenfranchisement oftheItalian allies culminates intheoutbreak ofopencivil warin88.Thisconception leads toa transitional period (88-81).Here, thefixation onthedemise ofthenormative republic enters. Thegovernment oftheperiod 86-84isdismissed with thesomewhat old-fashioned term dominatio (33),which ignores theanalysis that theregime ofCinna wasperceived atthe time aslegitimate. Thisisimportant, asFlower's periodizations are always modern constructs that would doubtless have come asa surprise tocontemporaries. Flower seesSullaasthecreator ofa "revolutionary" "new republic" (119,129). She admits that wehave noevidence for what hethought hewasdoing (119),andthen she tells usafter a summary ofthereforms heintroduced after hisvictory incivil warthat with his"innovations" he"effectively declared that a traditional republican system ledby BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTESRENDUS 413 nobiles hadfailed within hislifetime" (129),andthat he"saw himself asfulfilling therole oflawgiver, a figure unprecedented inRome" (133),butknown elsewhere. "Sulla was definitely nottrying to'turn theclock back,' letalone toany particular period ofRoman history" (130). WhileI haveno clairvoyant insight intoSulla'sintentions, it seems tomethat hisreforms - senatorial control ofthecourts, tweaking ofthemagistracies, diminution ofthetribunate, legalrestrictions ontheindependence ofgovernors - were meant precisely torestore animagined pastinwhich thesenate under theleadership of thenobiles (with a special role for the patricians) wastocontrol theoverall political scene, with obedient magistrates acting under itsguidance. Unfortunately, that scheme, which harkened backtothesecond century with a bitofnostalgia fortheearly days ofthe republic, wasunworkable, fundamentally because ofthemilitary obligations necessary for controlling the vast swathes ofrecently acquired territory combined with theambitions of people like M. Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 78)andPompey. Asfor Flowers notion that "the Romans didnotaccept" herSullatheLawgiver, onehastowonder why hisgrandson Pompeius Rufus sawfitto issuecoinswith hishomonymous grandfather, Sulla's consular colleague in 88,on onesideandtheolddictator on theother ifSullawas uniformly rejected. ByFlower's reckoning, Sulla's "revolution" leads to"Republic 6"(81-60), the "republic ofSulla."Sincethemain thrust oftheargument isthat the"real" republic cametoan endwith Sulla's reforms, Chapter Eight isa potted interpretation ofthe next two decades as a failure ofSulla's system. Thatthis wasa new"republic" would undoubtedly have comeasa surprise to Catulus (cos. 78)orC. Piso(cos. 67), butFlower nevertheless dismisses theefforts ofCatotodefend what hesawastraditional republican government asa "personal fantasy" anda "delusion orsilly game" (145).Itisa distortion ofhistorical developments toconfuse a modern interpretation with thesense ofreality that people at thetime had. Given this perspective, itis notsurprising tofind as thenext period "Triumvirate" (59-53):"According tothescheme proposed here, the50snolonger belong toa period ofrepublican history" (149). Well,maybe not,butonceagain, thisnews would have come asa surprise tocontemporaries. Inthefirst place, such a view isentirely Caesarocentric (andold

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