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Active Women and Ideal Refugees

Dissecting Gender, Identity and Discourse in the Sahrawi Refugee Camps

Bibliographic Data

ID3946737
AuthorsAlice Finden (0000-0003-3234-1590, University of London, corresponding author)
Year2018
Volume120
Issue1
Pages37-53
Publication date2018-11-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessYes
TypeARTICLE
VenueFeminist Review (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0141-7789 • E-ISSN: 1466-4380
PublisherSAGE Publications Inc (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.1057/s41305-018-0139-2
OpenAlexW2902457467
LanguageEN
Citations received2
References cited19

Since the Moroccan invasion in 1975, official reports on visits to Sahrawi refugee camps by international aid agencies and faith-based groups consistently reflect an overwhelming impression of gender equality in Sahrawi society. As a result, the space of the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and, by external association, Sahrawi society and Western Sahara as a nation-in-exile is constructed as 'ideal' (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2010, p. 67). I suggest that the 'feminist nationalism' of the Sahrawi nation-in-exile is one that is employed strategically by internal representatives of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO), the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the National Union of Sahrawi Women (NUSW), and by external actors from international aid agencies and also the colonial Moroccan state. The international attention paid to the active role of certain women in Sahrawi refugee camps makes 'Other' Sahrawi invisible, such as children, young women, mothers, men, people of lower socio-economic statuses, ('liberated') slave classes and refugees who are not of Sahrawi background. According to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh ( ibid.), it also creates a discourse of 'good', 'ideal' refugees who are reluctant to complain, in contrast to 'Other refugees'. This feminisation allows the international community not to take the Sahrawi call for independence seriously and reproduces the myth of Sahrawi refugees as naturally non-violent (read feminine) and therefore 'ideal'. The myth of non-violence accompanied by claims of Sahrawi secularity is also used to distance Western Sahara from 'African', 'Arab' and 'Islamic', to reaffirm racialised and gendered discourses that associate Islam with terrorism and situate both in the Arab/Muslim East. These binaries make invisible the violence that Sahrawis experience as a result of the gendered constructions of both internal and external actors, and silence voices of dissent and frustration with the more than forty years of waiting to return home

Feminism · Islam · Political science · Refugee · Secularity · Sociology · African Studies and Geopolitics · Gender Studies · History · Law · Multiculturalism, Politics, Migration, Gender · Religion, Society, and Development

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Unique citing works2
Citations per year1
Citation span2024 - 2025 (2)
Citation velocityrecent
Highly citedNo
Citation typesNeutral: 2

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