Spatialized leisure-pleasures, global flows and masculine distinctions

Datos Bibliográficos

ID3977314
AutoresJane Kenway (0000-0003-1043-0218, Monash University), Anna Hickey-Moody, Anna Catherine Hickey-Moody (0000-0002-8141-1359, Monash University)
Año2009
Volumen10
Número8
Páginas837-852
Fecha de publicación2009-12-01
Peer ReviewedSí
Open AccessNo
TipoARTICLE
RevistaSocial & Cultural Geography (JOURNAL)
Identificadores de la revistaISSN: 1464-9365 • E-ISSN: 1470-1197
EditorialInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/14649360903311864
OpenAlexW1977878121
IdiomaEN
Citas recibidas11
Referencias citadas9

Drawing from our 'place-based global ethnographies' of out-of-the-way places in Australia, this paper explores ways that spatialized leisure-pleasures inform the production of intergenerational masculinities in globalizing remote places. We examine three kinds of amusement and three accompanying shades of masculinity; the sacrosanct, subversive and scorned. Sacrosanct masculinities involve spatially embedded, culturally sanctified leisure-pleasures and intergenerational continuity. Subversive masculinities involve leisure-pleasures that are spatially embedded but are also both culturally endorsed and unendorsed. While they involve the reproduction of sacrosanct masculinities, they usually also entail certain forms of cultural defiance across generations. Scorned masculinities involve leisure pursuits that tend to be spatially and culturally disembedded and unendorsed. Although scorned, they may also invoke the sacrosanct. These diverse masculine hues animate varying combinations of affective gender intensity. We illustrate these hues and explicate the links between masculinities, the social order and territoriality through the concepts of plaisir and jouissance. We seek to add to conceptualizations of masculinity in two ways. The first is by bringing together two lines of inquiry; those on masculinity and spatiality and those on masculinity and leisure. The second is by exploring conceptually and empirically the gendered spatial and temporal politics of masculine leisure-pleasures. En utilisant nos 'ethnographies des approches territoriales et globales' des endroits isolés en Australie, cet article explore des façons que les loisirs-plaisirs spatialisés influencent la production des masculinités intergénérationnelles dans les endroits isolés aussi que globalisés. Nous examinons trois sortes des amusements et trois dégradés accompagnés de la masculinité; sacro-sainte, subversive et méprisée. Des masculinités sacro-saintes impliquent des loisirs-plaisirs implantés spatialement et sanctifiés culturellement et la continuité intergénérationnelle. Des masculinités subversives impliquent les loisirs-plaisirs qui sont implantés spatialement mais qui sont approuvés aussi que pas approuvés culturellement. Pendant qu'elles supposent la reproduction des masculinités sacro-saintes, normalement elles aussi nécessitent certaines formes de défiance culturelle au travers des générations. Des masculinités méprisées impliquent des poursuites de loisirs qui ont tendance d'être non implantés et non approuvés spatialement et culturellement. Bien qu'elles soient méprisées, elles aussi invoquent le sacro-saint. Ces teintes masculines diverses animent des combinaisons variées d'intensité du genre affectif. Nous illustrons ces teintes et élaborons les liens entre la masculinité affective, l'ordre social et la territorialité au travers de ces concepts du plaisir et de la jouissance. En faisant cela, nous cherchons à contribuer des littératures au sujet de la masculinité et la spatialité et aussi au sujet de la masculinité et le loisir. Haciendo uso de nuestros 'etnografías globales lugar-basado' de lugares poco conocidos de Australia, este papel se explora las formas en que los placeres-ociosos espaciales se informan la producción de masculinidades intergeneracionales en lugares aislados que están globalizando. Examinamos tres formas de diversión y sus tres matices de masculinidad; el sacrosanto, subversivo y desdeñado. Las masculinidades sacrosantos se implican placeres-ociosos y continuidad intergeneracional que están incrustados espacialmente y santificado culturalmente. Las masculinidades subversivos se implican placeres-ociosos que están incrustados espacialmente pero también están ambos aprobado y no aprobado culturalmente. Mientras se implican la reproducción de masculinidades sacrosantos, normalmente se suponen ciertas formas de desafío cultural a través generaciones también. Las masculinidades desdeñados se implican una búsqueda ociosa que se tiende ser de-incrustado y no-aprobado ambos espacialmente y culturalmente. Aunque desdeñados, también se puede invocar el sacrosanto. Estos matices diversos de la masculinidad se animan combinaciones variados de intensidad efectiva de género. Ilustramos estos matices y extendemos los lazos entre la masculinidad efectiva, el orden social y territorialidad a través los conceptos de plaisir y jouissance. Al hacer esto buscamos contribuir a las literaturas de la masculinidad y la espacialidad y la de masculinidad y ocio. Keywords: spatialized masculinities plaisir and jouissance intergenerational relationshipsKeywords: Loisirs-plaisirs spatialisésflots globaux et distinctions masculinesiKeywords: masculinidades espacialesplasir y jouissancerelaciones intergeneracionales Acknowledgements We thank the Australian Research Council for funding this three-year study, Anna Kraack for her contributions to this paper and Palgrave for permission to reprint selections from Kenway, Kraack and Hickey-Moody (2006 Kenway, J., Kraack, A. and Hickey-Moody, A.C. 2006. Masculinity Beyond the Metropolis, Basingstoke: Palgrave. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). We also thank the two anonymous reviewers for their astute and helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper. Notes 1 The way that pleasure is a critical aspect of subjectivation, or the ways our pleasures make us 'who we are', has been the focus of many scholars since Freud's Beyond the Pleasure Principle in the 1920s (1961 [1920]). Here Freud posits 'Eros' (desire, love, creativity) and a death drive, known subsequently as 'Thanatos'. This scholarship forms an important backdrop to our paper, yet direct discussion of it is outside its scope. 2 In different forms, and not in chronological order, this concept has been taken up by feminist scholars Julia Kristeva, Luce Irigaray, Helene Cixous (who have been especially interested in feminine jouissance), Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek, French philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, and French semiotician Roland Barthes. Each adapts the concept differently. While our concern is largely with Barthes' interpretation, we gesture towards the many theories of jouissance that constitute this scholarly context. 3 Although jouissance is different from Freud's death drive, there are parallels between the concepts, such as the enjoyment of self-destruction, which was referred to by both men as a perversion. 4 In The Other Side of Psychoanalysis (1969–70) Lacan introduced the concept of 'surplus-jouissance' ('plus-de-jouir'). Inspired by Marx's concept of 'surplus-value' (Žižek 1992 Žižek, S. 1992. Enjoy your symptom! Jacques Lacan in Hollywood and Out, London: Routledge. [Google Scholar]: 171), Lacan employs this idea to describe an object with surplus value that embodies the excess of jouissance. 5 Lacan states: 'There is a jouissance proper to her and of which she herself may know nothing, except that she experiences it—that much she does know. She knows of course when it happens. It does not happen to all of them [women]' (Lacan 1982 Lacan, J. 1982. Feminine Sexuality, trans. Edited by: Rose, J. London: Macmillan Press. [Google Scholar]: 145, authors' parentheses). 6 The following passages are taken from Barthes' classic 1975 Barthes, R. 1975. The Pleasure of the Text, trans. Edited by: Miller, R. Oxford: Blackwell. [Google Scholar] texts (published in French in 1973), The Pleasure of the Text. Here, Barthes outlines characteristic features of these two pleasures: 'Jouissance is almost everything that plaisir is not: it is destructive, unsustainable, wild, and risky'. Barthes describes jouissance as follows: 'Texts of pleasure. Pleasure in pieces; language in pieces; culture in pieces. Such texts are perverse in that they are outside any imaginable finality—even that of pleasure (bliss does not constrain to pleasure; it can even apparently inflict boredom). No alibi stands up, nothing is reconstituted, nothing recuperated. The text of bliss is absolutely intransitive. However, perversion does not suffice to decline bliss; it is the extreme of perversion which defines it: an extreme continually shifted, an empty, mobile, unpredictable extreme. This extreme guarantees bliss: an average perversion quickly loads itself up with a play of subordinate finalities: prestige, ostentation, rivalry, lecturing, self-serving, etc.' (Barthes 1975 Barthes, R. 1975. The Pleasure of the Text, trans. Edited by: Miller, R. Oxford: Blackwell. [Google Scholar]: 52). Barthes' thinking led us to consider the connections between both forms of pleasure (plaisir and jouissance) as they relate to leisure and the masculine identities and distinctions that we identified through our ethnographic inquiries. There is an interesting relationship here between the work of Barthes and Lacan, as Barthes' jouissance can be read as a pleasurable mode of becoming feminine and plaisir as a pleasurable mode of becoming masculine. This echoes Lacan's suggestion that there is a feminine jouissance and his assertion that outside feminine jouissance, pleasure is concerned with masculine symbols of pleasure, such as the phallus. 7 P plates are signs that probationary drivers are required to show for the duration of their probationary period. 8 The girls' pleasures cannot be analysed here and deserve a paper in their own right informed by the feminist perspectives outlined above and challenging Lacan's (1982 Lacan, J. 1982. Feminine Sexuality, trans. Edited by: Rose, J. London: Macmillan Press. [Google Scholar]: 144) notion of feminine jouissance. 9 A stovvie pole is a metal and concrete pole used to hold up power lines along the sides of Australian roads. 10 In part, this is due to a broader cultural climate of racism in our research sites

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