Politics of justice and reconciliation in post-Suharto Indonesia

Bibliographic Data

ID3985995
AuthorsPriyambudi Sulistiyanto (0000-0003-0191-7331, Flinders University, corresponding author)
Year2007
Volume37
Issue1
Pages73-94
Publication date2007-02-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueJournal of Contemporary Asia (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0047-2336 • E-ISSN: 1752-7554
PublisherInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/00472330601104623
OpenAlexW1992591301
LanguageEN
Citations received11
References cited13

This article examines the politics of justice and reconciliation in post-Suharto Indonesia with particular focus on the unprecedented pressures on the government to deal with past human rights abuses. Present Indonesian experience illustrates the complexity of dealing with past abuses and needs to be examined in the context of the constraints and possibilities negotiated by new democracies when dealing with past abuses. In a comparative sense the Indonesian case is not new in the sense that other new democracies have also faced this kind of situation. The case study of the Tanjung Priok killings in 1984 that will be presented here demonstrates the need to develop a strategy which combines the elements of prosecution and reconciliation in post-Suharto Indonesia. Key words: Transitional justicehuman rightsreconciliationtruth commissionsIndonesiaTanjung Priok Acknowledgements This article was originally presented at the 2003 Philippine Political Studies Association Conference, “Strengthening Society, the State and the Discipline”, 23-25 October, Davao City; it has been revised and updated. Thanks to the Southeast Asian Studies Programme and the Asia Research Institute at the National University of Singapore for providing resources for this research. Thanks also to Sentot, Zaenal and Paijo at Elsam (Jakarta) for providing information. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their comments and Rossi von der Borch for editorial assistance. None of these, of course, is responsible for any remaining shortcomings. Notes 1 These ad hoc tribunals are known as the International Criminal Tribunals for Yugoslavia (ICTFY) and the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda (ICTR). Both were established by the United Nations Security Council in 1993 and 1994 respectively. 2 On the evolution of the international justice system, see Robertson (Citation1999). 3 Kontras was led by Munir, an outspoken human rights lawyer who was murdered in the Indonesian national aircraft Garuda en route to Holland in September 2004. In response to public pressure, President Yudhoyono ordered an investigation into this case, through which it was revealed that Munir was a victim of a high-level conspiracy which involved prominent figures attached to the State Intelligence Agency (Badan Intelijen Negara, BIN). The court eventually sentenced Pollycarpus to 14 years in jail for murdering Munir. However, the Munir case is still full of mystery because the public believe that Pollycarpus would not have acted alone (see Tempo, 1 Jan. 2006 and Tempo Interaktif, “Kepala BIN serahkan anggota yang terlibat kasus Munir,” 24 Dec. 2005, downloaded 11 Jan. 2006). 4 The announcement letter was signed by Marzuki Darusman (Head), Clementino dos Reis Amaral (General Secretary) dan Baharuddin Lopa (Head of the Tanjung Priok team) (Kompas, 10 March 1999). 5 Interview with Ifdhal Kasim, Jakarta (2002). 6 This information draws on an Interview with Asmara Nababan, the General-Secretary of the National Commission on Human Rights, appeared in Republika (21 June 2000). 7 Beni Biki was also the Co-ordinator of the Tanjung Priok Victims' Families group. 8 See, Ringkasan Eksekutif Laporan Tim Tindak Lanjut Hasil Komisi Penyelidikan dan Pemeriksaan Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia di Tanjung Priok (KP3T) dated 11 Oct. 2000 (Jakarta: KomnasHam). 9 Soetrisno was there with other former high-ranking military officers who were implicated in this case such as Sugeng Subroto, Pranowo, Soekarno, Rudolf Butar Butar, Sriyanto, and H. Mattoni. From the victims' side were Syariffudin Rambe, Ahmad Sahi, Syafwan Sulaiman, Nasrun, Asep Saprudin, Sudarso, and Siti Chotimah (see Republika, 2 March 2001). 10 At the time of his trial, Major General Sriyanto was the Commander of the Special Forces (known as Kopassus). 11 For critical assessments of the process, see “Progress Report Pengadilan HAM Tanjung Priok 1, 2, and 3,” published by Elsam (Citation2004); and also Fatwa (Citation2005), especially chapter 5. 12 In relation to the East Timor case, newly-independent Timor-Leste established its own truth commission, the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR) in 2001. In 2004, both Indonesia and Timor-Leste established the East Timor-Indonesian Truth and Friendship Commission with the primary aim of dealing with human rights abuses in the past, but many were sceptical about the independence of this commission. In January 2006, Timor-Leste President Xanana Gusmao presented the final report to the United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan. The full report can be accessed in the International Center for Transitional Justice website (http://www.ictj.org). 13 Based on the author's observation through regular trips to Indonesia between 2001-05. 14 Currently, both Kontras and Elsam are preparing to go to the Constitutional Court to review the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act (personal communication with an Indonesian human rights activist, 23 March 2005

Context (archaeology · Criminal justice · Criminology · Economic Justice · Government (linguistics · Human rights · Indonesian · Organised crime · Political science · Politics · Sociology · State (computer science · Transitional justice · Asian Geopolitics and Ethnography · Asian Studies and History · Historical and Contemporary Political Dynamics · Law

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