Oblique nominals, a verbal affix and late merge
Dados Bibliográficos
| ID | 3987803 |
|---|---|
| Autores | Kyumin Kim (0000-0002-6242-3629, Cheongju University, autor correspondente) |
| Ano | 2020 |
| Volume | 58 |
| Fascículo | 6 |
| Páginas | 1737-1773 |
| Data de publicação | 2020-11-25 |
| Peer Reviewed | Sim |
| Open Access | Sim |
| Tipo | ARTICLE |
| Periódico | Linguistics (JOURNAL) |
| Identificadores do periódico | ISSN: 0024-3949 • E-ISSN: 1613-396X |
| Editora | Walter de Gruyter GmbH (PUBLISHER • DE) |
| DOI | 10.1515/ling-2020-0179 |
| OpenAlex | W3088231128 |
| Idioma | CA |
| Citações recebidas | 3 |
| Referências citadas | 36 |
The goal of this paper is to address the syntax of certain oblique nominals in Blackfoot (Algonquian) that are introduced by a set of verbal prefixes called linkers. In the literature, an oblique nominal introduced by a verbal affix always shows certain properties of objects, e.g., agreement. This type of affix is analyzed as forming a complex verb with the main verb via head movement, and the oblique nominal is treated as an object of the complex verb. However, this paper demonstrates that oblique nominals introduced by linkers in Blackfoot do not show certain object properties even though the linker looks like it forms a complex verb. Building on the lack of object properties, linker phrases are proposed to be adjuncts. As proposed for adjuncts generally (e.g., Stephanov, Arthur. 2001. Late adjunction and minimalist phrase structure.Syntax4(2). 94-125), this paper proposes a late merge analysis for linker phrases. Within an Agree-based model (Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Roger Martin, David Michaels & Juan Uriagereka (eds.),Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, 89-155. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.),Ken Hale: A life in language, 1-52. Cambridge: The MIT Press) where the derivation proceeds by phases (Chomsky 2008), a linker phrase, as an adjunct, lacks the relevant features to participate in the derivation via Agree, and thus it merges late at the end of a given phasal derivation such asvP. When spell out applies, the linker linearizes with a [V-v] complex in the base position, i.e.,vP, giving its surface appearance as a verbal affix. Under this view, a linker does not lead to formation of a complex verb as it does not undergo head movement to the verb, unlike applicative affixes, consistent with the absence of object properties
Affix · Linguistics · Merge (version control) · Natural language processing · Noun phrase · Oblique case · Phrase · Predicate (mathematical logic) · Programming language · Specifier · Syntax · Topicalization · Verb · Artificial Intelligence · Computer Science · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies · Linguistic Variation and Morphology · Philosophy · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Inner Aspect
Agreement and Head Movement
Syntactic Heads and Word Formation
The Polysynthesis Parameter
Relators and Linkers
T-to-C Movement
Configurational properties of point of view roles
Derivation by Phase
Slavic prefixes inside and outside VP
On Zero Agreement and Polysynthesis
Cyclic Linearization of Syntactic Structure
Animating the narrow syntax
Animacy and Transitivity Alternations in Blackfoot
Variation in the phase structure of applicatives
Extending the extension condition to discontinuous idioms
Linkers and the Internal Structure of vP
The composition of INFL
The syntax of applicatives in Chiche?a
Being progressive is just a phase
Argument structure licensing and English have
Head Movement in Linguistic Theory
Agreement without A-Positions
Movement and Control
Some Interface Properties of the Phase
Syntax and Syncretisms of the Person Case Constraint
Late Adjunction and Minimalist Phrase Structure
Cyclicity and Extraction Domains
| Obras citantes distintas | 3 |
|---|---|
| Citações por ano | 0,5 |
| Intervalo de citações | 2020 - 2023 (4) |
| Velocidade de citação | historical |
| Altamente citado | Não |
| Tipos de citação | Neutras: 3 |