Deriving the Edge
What's in a Phase
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 4238340 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Marc D Richards, Marc Richards (corresponding author) |
| Year | 2011 |
| Volume | 14 |
| Issue | 1 |
| Pages | 74-95 |
| Publication date | 2011-03-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | Yes |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Syntax (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 1368-0005 • E-ISSN: 1467-9612 |
| Publisher | Wiley (PUBLISHER • GB) |
| DOI | 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2010.00146.x |
| OpenAlex | W2150280346 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 28 |
| References cited | 17 |
This article offers a critical conceptual discussion and refinement of Chomsky's (2000, 2001, 2007, 2008) phase system, addressing many of the problematic aspects highlighted in the critique of Boeckx & Grohmann (2007) and seeking to resolve these issues, in particular the stipulative and arbitrary properties of phases and phase edges encoded in the (various versions of the) Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC). Chomsky's (2000) original conception of phases as lexical subarrays is demonstrated to derive these properties straightforwardly once a single assumption about the pairwise composition of phases is made, and the PIC is reduced to its necessary core under the Strong Minimalist Thesis (SMT)—namely, the provision of an edge. Finally, a comparison is undertaken of the lexical-subarray conception of phases with the feature-inheritance system of Chomsky 2007, 2008, in which phases are simply the locus of uninterpretable features (probes). Both conceptions are argued to conform to the SMT, and both converge on a pairwise composition of phases. However, the two conceptions of phases are argued to be mutually incompatible in numerous fundamental ways, with no current prospect of unification. The lexical-subarray conception of phases is then to be preferred on grounds of greater empirical adequacy
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Prepositional Phrases in Modern Standard Arabic
Universal DP and Bošković phases
Lexicalised Locality
Control and intermediate scrambling
Feature deletion by head movement – A new solution to agreement asymmetries in Modern Standard Arabic
Modals, negation and movement
No case tampering once transfer domain is formed
On Deriving CED Effects from the PIC
One move but two movements
(In)direct Reference in the Phonology-Syntax Interface under Phase Theory
On the syntax of surprise negation sentences
In favour of the low IP area in the Arabic clause structure
Being progressive is just a phase
Natural language syntax complies with the free-energy principle
Phasehood as defective intervention
Feature Geometry and Head Splitting in the Wolof Clausal Periphery
Unvalued interpretable features and topic A-movement in Chinese raising modal constructions
Movement from the Double Object Construction Is Not Fully Symmetrical
Ergatives Move Too Early
A case study in underspecification of UG
To be or not to be elided
On long-distance theta-role assignment
Modular PIC
Prosodic Noun Incorporation
On Phases
Beyond Explanatory Adequacy
Derivation by Phase
The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery
On Agreement and Nominative Objects in Icelandic
A-Chains At The Pf-Interface
The Subject-in-Situ Generalization and the Role of Case in Driving Computations
On Feature Inheritance
Some Interface Properties of the Phase
Remark
A-movement and the EPP
Wh-copying, phases, and successive cyclicity
| Unique citing works | 28 |
|---|---|
| Citations per year | 1,75 |
| Citation span | 2010 - 2025 (16) |
| Citation velocity | recent |
| Highly cited | No |
| Citation types | Neutral: 26 |