Issues in Banawá Prosody

Onset Sensitivity, Minimal Words, and Syllable Integrity

Bibliographic Data

ID4318351
AuthorsBrett Hyde (0009-0004-2912-9841, Department of Philosophy, Washington University, Campus Box 1073, One Brookings Drive, St. Louis, Missouri 63130, corresponding author)
Year2007
Volume38
Issue2
Pages239-285
Publication date2007-03-01
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueLinguistic Inquiry (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0024-3892 • E-ISSN: 1530-9150
PublisherMIT Press - Journals (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.1162/ling.2007.38.2.239
OpenAlexW2159690972
LanguageTL
Citations received8
References cited28

Three aspects of Banawá prosody (Buller, Buller, and Everett 1993, Everett 1996a,b) have been argued to present significant difficulties for metrical stress theory. First, Banawá stress is sensitive to the presence or absence of syllable onsets; second, Banawá tolerates monomoraic feet yet requires a bimoraic minimal word; and, third, it seems to employ mora-based footing that is free to ignore syllable boundaries. In this article, I argue that these issues are not nearly as problematic as they might first appear. The article demonstrates that Banawá's onset sensitivity can be produced by a constraint aligning the head syllables of feet with onsets, that its minimal word restriction can be produced with Nonfinality constraints, and that it can maintain syllable integrity simply by giving clash and lapse avoidance priority over other footing considerations

Constraint (computer-aided design) · Linguistics · Optimality theory · Phonology · Prosody · Speech recognition · Stress (linguistics) · Syllable · Word (group theory) · Computer Science · Linguistic Variation and Morphology · Mathematics · Natural Language Processing Techniques · Philosophy · Phonetics and Phonology Research · Psychology

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