Some Formal Implications of Deletion Saltation

Bibliographic Data

ID4318508
AuthorsJennifer L Smith (0000-0001-6376-070X, Department of Linguistics, University of North Carolina, [email protected], corresponding author)
Year2022
Volume53
Issue4
Pages852-864
Publication date2022-10-03
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueLinguistic Inquiry (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0024-3892 • E-ISSN: 1530-9150
PublisherThe MIT Press (PUBLISHER • US)
DOI10.1162/ling_a_00426
OpenAlexW3149072909
LanguageEN
Citations received1
References cited24

Two classes of saltation alternations (phonological derived-environment effects) are formally distinct under Harmonic Grammar (HG), but formally equivalent under Optimality Theory (OT, with or without local constraint conjunction). The familiar feature-scale saltation pattern cannot be modeled in HG without additional formal devices (White 2013), but deletion saltation arises as a simple gang effect under classic Correspondence Theory faithfulness constraints. If future work finds corresponding empirical differences between the two saltation types (e.g., in learnability), this would support weighted-constraint models such as HG over ranked-constraint models such as OT, and in addition would be evidence against MAX and DEP constraints on privative features and against the *MAP approach to faithfulness

Grammar · Linguistics · Optimality theory · Phonology · Computer Science · Mathematics · Natural Language Processing Techniques · Philosophy · Phonetics and Phonology Research · Speech and dialogue systems

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