Dependent Case by Agree
Ergative in Shawi
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 4318730 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Emily Clem (Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego, [email protected], corresponding author), Amy Rose Deal (0000-0002-7114-4103, Department of Linguistics, University of California, Berkeley, [email protected], corresponding author) |
| Year | 2024 |
| Pages | 1-47 |
| Publication date | 2024-08-30 |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Linguistic Inquiry (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0024-3892 • E-ISSN: 1530-9150 |
| Publisher | The MIT Press (PUBLISHER • US) |
| DOI | 10.1162/ling_a_00529 |
| OpenAlex | W4392564556 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 3 |
Ergative and accusative behave as dependent cases insofar as their appearance on a nominal depends on the presence of another nominal in the same domain. Recent work has taken the phenomenon of case dependency to challenge the idea that case is assigned via Agree. Focusing on Shawi (Kawapanan; Peru), we show not only that case dependency can be captured via Agree, but also that doing so opens up a new way of understanding the typology of global case splits. Ergative in Shawi appears when the subject is at least as high as the object on the person hierarchy-a global split-and can be accompanied by explicit realization of the object's features on the subject ("object agreement on the subject"). We propose that ergative arises in Shawi when a probe on v Agrees with both the object and the subject, transferring object features to the subject; these features are spelled out as ergative case and as object agreement. In general, we show that dependent cases, both ergative and accusative, can be seen as a morphological outcome of Agree between a probe and a second goal, realizing features on that goal that were transferred from a previous goal in an earlier step of Agree
Ergative case · Linguistics · Islamic Studies and History · Mathematics · Philosophy
| Citations per year | 3 |
|---|---|
| Citation span | 2025 - 2026 (2) |
| Highly cited | No |