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Bibliographic Data

ID4491770
AuthorsGerald R Webster, Roberta H Webster
Year1994
Volume84
Issue2
Pages131
Publication date1994-04-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessYes
TypeARTICLE
VenueGeographical Review (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 0016-7428 • E-ISSN: 1931-0846
PublisherJSTOR (PUBLISHER)
DOI10.2307/215325
OpenAlexW2046606628
LanguageEN
Citations received4
References cited5

ON 22 July 1993 the U.S. Senate voted against renewing the patent on the insignia of the United Daughters of the (UDC). Although this patent had been renewed on four occasions since 1926 by unanimous consent, the 1993 request led to some of the most heated exchanges to occur among senators in recent decades. At issue were the power and meaning of a symbol, specifically the flag of the short-lived Confederate States of America, which a central element in the UDC logo (Clymer 1993; LaCavera 1993). Most patent renewals in the United States are accomplished through the Office of Patents and Trademarks. However, since 1900 Congress has granted patents to approximately ten groups, all of which might be characterized as patriotic organizations (Associated Press 1993b). Among these groups are the UDC, the American Legion, and the Daughters of Union Veterans. Their common motivation for seeking patent protection from Congress the prestige and honor conveyed by such special recognition. 1993 debate over the UDC patent pitted first-term Democratic senator Carol Moseley-Braun of Illinois, the only African-American member of the Senate, against veteran Republican senators Jesse Helms of North Carolina and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina. Their debate was littered with direct and indirect references to the issues of race, slavery, the Civil War, patriotism, and the symbolism of the flag of the Confederate States of America, commonly referred to as the and Bars. Stars and Bars that appears on the UDC logo bears little resemblance to the Confederate battle flag, the South's most identifiable icon (Auchmutey 1991). It was suggested that Moseley-Braun confused the two flags, but her office confirmed recently that she finds the Stars and Bars more offensive than the battle flag. The Confederate national flag . . . to Moseley-Braun a symbol of a defeated nation whose 'cornerstone' was slavery. But the Senator sees the battle flag . . . as a symbol for the common soldier of the the vast majority of whom did not own slaves (Blue and Gray Magazine 1993, 40). In her speech against the patent renewal, Moseley-Braun stated that the central issue was whether or not Americans such as myself who believe in the promise of this country . . . will have to suffer the indignity of being reminded time and time again that at one point in this country's history were human chattel . . . were property. We could be traded, bought and sold. She concluded that the Confederate flag is something that has no place in our modern times . . . no place in this body . . . no place in our society (Zuckman 1993, 1960). Her comments led Senator Howell Heflin of Alabama to reverse his support of the renewal. Describing himself as a son of the South, he addressed the full Senate to speak against renewal. He first underscored that he from a family background deeply rooted in the Confederacy and that his maternal grandfather had signed the ordinance of secession for Alabama. But he continued, we live in a world today where symbols mean a great deal, and we must get racism behind us (Heflin 1993a). His position spurred vitriolic attacks on his integrity, patriotism, and understanding of Southern history in regional newspapers. He replied (Heflin 1993b): real issue was whether Congress was going to give special treatment to the U.D.C., when it, like thousands of other organizations, can apply for a trademark extension through the Office of Patents and Trademarks. . . . issue came down to one of symbols and whether Congress should specially endorse symbols which are obviously so painful to a large segment of our population. In my judgement, it should not. Issues dealt with on the floor of the Senate have nationwide implications, but nowhere in the United States are they more hotly debated than in the South. This especially true for discussions of the proper placement, display, and meaning of the various flags of the (Cannon 1988

Icon · Physics · Power (physics · Programming language · Thermodynamics · Computer Science · Science Education and Perceptions

  • Political Culture, Religion, and the Confederate Battle Flag Debate in Alabama

    Gerald R Webster, Jonathan I Leib et al.•Journal of Cultural Geography•2002

  • Rebel with a cause? Iconography and public memory in the Southern United States

    Open Access•Jonathan I Leib, Jonathan Leib et al.•GeoJournal•2000

  • Whose South is it anyway? Race and the Confederate battle flag in South Carolina

    Open Access•Gerald R Webster, Jonathan I Leib et al.•Political Geography•2001

  • Political conservatism as motivated social cognition

    John T Jost, Jack Glaser et al.•Psychological Bulletin•2003

  • Political Geography

    Courtney Flint, Colin Flint et al.•Political Geography•2018

  • The Functional Approach in Political Geography

    Richard Hartshorne•Annals of the Association of…•1950

  • Geography and International Relations

    Open Access•Jean Gottmann•World Politics•1951

  • Geography of a Senate Confirmation Vote

    Open Access•Gerald R Webster•Geographical Review•1992

Unique citing works4
Citations per year0,15
Citation span2000 - 2003 (4)
Citation velocityhistorical
Highly citedNo
Citation typesNeutral: 4

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