Solidarity, Sexuality, and Saving Muslim Women in Neoliberal Times
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 4520060 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Dina M Siddiqi (0000-0001-7451-2218, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2014 |
| Volume | 42 |
| Issue | 3-4 |
| Pages | 292-306 |
| Publication date | 2014-09-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Women's studies quarterly (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0732-1562 • E-ISSN: 1934-1520 |
| Publisher | Project MUSE (PUBLISHER • US) |
| DOI | 10.1353/wsq.2014.0033 |
| OpenAlex | W2048946105 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 11 |
| References cited | 5 |
Solidarity, Sexuality, and Saving Muslim Women in Neoliberal Times Dina M. Siddiqi (bio) Desiring Solidarity Solidarity is a fundamental—even constitutive—concern of feminist theory and politics. Like a specter it haunts feminist imaginations periodically. Yet it is a slippery term. Certain expressions of feminist solidarity, we know, often gloss over divisions in the name of unity. The pursuit of solidarity along these registers, I suggest, expresses a longing as much as it represents a political goal.1 Perhaps this desire (for home? for the transcendence of privilege and so a point of arrival?) explains the persistence or at least periodic revival of a language of sisterhood that is otherwise discredited. The trope of global sisterhood is especially powerful today; its affective power allows for its reinvention in different idioms at different times. Most recently, neoliberal discursive regimes in Euro-America have revived both global sisterhood and a politics of salvation/caring, deftly folding them into corporate marketing strategies. So it is that, for instance, the Whole Foods grocery store chain solicits donations for its microcredit programs for women "in the developing world," as part of its stated mission to produce a "future without poverty." In the same vein, the French luxury cosmetics company Clarins's FEED 15 campaign, as an expression of its "humanitarian values," provides meals to hungry children worldwide through the World Food Program.2 Both ventures appeal, in different ways, to a global cosmopolitan feminist sentiment located in the North. By implication, the present of women and children in Europe and the United States excludes poverty and hunger.3 [End Page 292] In this short essay, I am mainly interested in the discourses of solidarity and sisterhood opened up by the collapse of Rana Plaza in Savar, Bangladesh, in 2013, in which over eleven hundred garment factory workers were killed. Not surprisingly, First World solidarity with Third World workers figured centrally in the coverage following the disaster. As horrifying images of the "tragedy" and its aftermath circulated across global media, the incident was rendered a spectacle for consumption. Like other such events, it was open to the most incendiary mobilizations. The new "socially conscious" Pope Francis immediately denounced as slave labor the working conditions in Bangladeshi garment factories ("Bangladesh 'Slave Labor'" 2013). A year later, at a conference convened by the International Labor Rights Forum called "Women's Rights in the Apparel Industry: Ending Violence, Empowering Voices," a participant declared, "We want to take these women out of slavery." The head of the National Organization for Women, in a rousing speech, also condemned as slave labor factory work in places like Bangladesh and Honduras. It is not my intention to caricature individuals or impugn their motives. I do not doubt the sincerity of individual concerns, feminist or otherwise. My interest rather is in the work of the trope of slavery. Like trafficking and forced labor, slavery performs a specific discursive-ideological function. Its persuasive power lies in representing "extremes" such as the Rana Plaza collapse as being outside the legitimate liberal capitalist system rather than constitutive of the system itself. In contrast to such incendiary calls to solidarity, a more informed and nuanced transnational activism around "sweatshop" labor foregrounds the essential complicity of Northern corporations and Bangladeshi capitalists in the making of incidents such as the Rana Plaza collapse. This is critical terrain, in which labor activists in Bangladesh work side by side with activists in the United States.4 For the most part, however, antisweatshop campaigns hinge on the power of the affluent Northern consumer to "save" poor Third World women through the former's ethical consumption practices. Solidarity is decidedly vertical. The Marketplace of Solidarity As indicated earlier, feminist solidarity of a neoliberal kind has been marketized in the global economy. The recent controversy over an advertising campaign by American Apparel starkly illustrates the commodification of [End Page 293] solidarity. As the fashion magazine Elle describes it, "Featuring the words 'Made in Bangladesh' across a model's bare chest, this campaign is guaranteed to cause a stir" (Holmes 2014; emphasis added). Indeed, the photo and an attached explanatory statement went viral and generated a maelstrom of outrage and debate on social media within Bangladesh
Political science · Politics · Sociology · Solidarity · Sweatshop · Feminism, Gender, and Intersectionality · Gender Studies · Law · Migration, Refugees, and Integration · Sex work and related issues
Beyond masters
The agony of Jesmin’s body
No but where are you really from?”
From Silence to Solidarity
Starving for Justice
Transnational Solidarity with Which Muslim Women? The Case of the My Stealthy Freedom and World Hijab Day Campaigns
Covid-19 Pandemic and the Crisis of Care
The fetish economy of sex and gender activism
(Mis)Translations of the Critiques of Anti-Muslim Racism and the Repercussions for Transnational Feminist Solidarities
Safe Spaces for Refugee Women
Uneven Counting
| Unique citing works | 11 |
|---|---|
| Citations per year | 1 |
| Citation span | 2015 - 2024 (10) |
| Citation velocity | recent |
| Highly cited | No |
| Citation types | Neutral: 11 |