Politics of cosmopolitan citizenship

The Korean engagement in the global justice movements

Bibliographic Data

ID4524717
AuthorsSuk-Ki Kong (Seoul National University, corresponding author)
Year2012
Volume16
Issue1
Pages69-84
Publication date2012-02-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueCitizenship Studies (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1362-1025 • E-ISSN: 1469-3593
PublisherInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/13621025.2012.651404
OpenAlexW2140314234
LanguageEN
Citations received2
References cited35

This article explains why and how the Korean social movements engage in the Global Justice Movement (GJM). We believe that Korean social movements gradually developed consciousness of cosmopolitan citizenship through engaging in the GJM. We found that international opportunities like the UN and World Social Forum processes, whether positive or negative, have forced Korean social movements to engage in the GJMs. Environmental and human rights movements (belonging to the ‘new social movements’) were increasingly disappointed with the UN process and focused on the GJM with changing the strategy from institutionalization to global campaigns or south-to-south collaboration. Labor and peasants movements (belonging to the ‘old social movements’) continue to struggle with developing sustained networks because of lack of the so-called ‘rooted cosmopolitans.’ Despite such differences, Korean civil society becomes more conscious of global justice as a new master frame to tackle neoliberal globalization within the future. Keywords: global justice movementKorean social movementscosmopolitan citizenshipneoliberal globalization Notes 1. I collected three kinds of data based on interviews of the participants at the world conferences organized by the UN since the early 1990s as well as at the world social forums since 2001; scrutiny of online and offline documents published by movement groups, the government, and business groups. I also analyzed the data by combining two supplemental methods: quantitative and qualitative analyses. The quantitative data used here mainly come from the Mingandanche Chongram (Directory of Korean NGOs, 2003), Hanguk Siminsahoe Yeongam (Korea Civil Society Yearbook, 2003, 2004, and 2006), and Hanguk Siminsahoe Undongsa, 1987–2002 (Korean Civil Society and NGOs, 2004) as well as the Ingwon Harusosik (Human Rights Daily News, 1993–2003). 2. Particularly, religious and women's networks with transnational groups were significant for the Korean human rights groups to engage in the UN-led conference. The latter could hold successfully the ‘International Symposium on the National Security Law’ with Asian NGOs even for their first participation. It might be impossible without financial supports of the World Council of Churches and the South Korea Council for Comfort Women. 3. Interview with Yeyong Choi, staff of Korean Federation for Environmental Movements on 9 July 2003. 4. Interview with Sam-Jin Lim, ex-general secretary of Green Korea United on 4 July 2001. 5. Interview with Lae-Goon Park, staff of Sarangbang Group for Human Rights on 10 July 2003. 6. KoPA consisted of more than 40 social movement organizations that include the civil and people's movement groups. The key groups are as follows: Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, Korean Farmer's League, People's Solidarity for Social Progress, Green Korea United, and People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, Korea Federation for Environmental Movements, Sarangbang Group for Human Rights, Policy and Information Center for International Solidarity, etc. 7. Interview with Chang-Geun Lee, chief of International Affairs at Korean Confederation of Trade Unions on 18 September 2008

Citizenship · Civil society · Globalization · Human rights · New social movements · Political economy · Political science · Politics · Social movement · Sociology · Gender Studies · Labor Movements and Unions · Law · Religion, Society, and Development · Social Policy and Reform Studies

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