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Power-sharing and peace in Côte d'Ivoire

Past Examples and Future Prospects

Bibliographic Data

ID5680815
AuthorsMatthew I Mitchell (0000-0003-1407-8741, corresponding author)
Year2012
Volume12
Issue2
Pages171-191
Publication date2012-05-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueConflict Security and Development (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1467-8802 • E-ISSN: 1478-1174
PublisherInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/14678802.2012.688294
OpenAlexW1971420162
LanguageEN
Citations received7
References cited22

Many scholars have expressed grave concerns over the increased popularity of power-sharing agreements in Africa, arguing that power-sharing is an unstable form of government that provides only short-term reprieve from violent conflict. While most African experiments with power-sharing have failed, this does not necessarily invalidate the case for employing such agreements. The critical importance of context has been cited as a key factor in explaining the success or failure of power-sharing. In other words, it is not that power-sharing is inherently flawed but rather that it should only be employed in certain contexts. This article examines the role of context in explaining different power-sharing outcomes by analysing power-sharing in Côte d'Ivoire. The country provides an excellent case study for examining the importance of context as power-sharing agreements have been adopted in a variety of contexts with diverging outcomes. The article systematically examines key peace agreements and resulting power-sharing arrangements since the outbreak of civil war in 2002 in order to evaluate which factors help to explain successes and failures of power-sharing in Côte d'Ivoire. The article concludes by considering how previous examples may help to shed light on future prospects for power-sharing in Côte d'Ivoire and elsewhere. Acknowledgements Earlier versions of this article were presented at the Ethnicity and Democratic Governance workshop on power-sharing at the University of Toronto in November 2011 and the International Studies Association Annual Meeting in San Diego in April 2012. I would like to thank the following people for their stimulating questions and insightful suggestions on earlier versions of the paper: Michael Bratton, J. Andrew Grant, Richard Marcus, John McGarry and Christina Murray. Finally, this article has benefited from the numerous comments and suggestions by the anonymous reviewers of Conflict, Security & Development. I also gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Notes 1. Cheeseman and Tendi Cheeseman, Nic and Tendi, Blessing-Miles. 2010. Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective: The Dynamics of "Unity Government" in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 48(2): 203–229. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective', 204. 2. Cheeseman Cheeseman, Nic. 2011. The Internal Dynamics of Power-Sharing in Africa. Democratization, 18(2): 336–365. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Internal Dynamics of Power-Sharing', 338. 3. Spears Spears, Ian. 2000. Understanding Inclusive Peace Agreements in Africa: The Problems of Sharing Power. Third World Quarterly, 21(1): 105–118. 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The exception here is Cheeseman who provides an excellent and comprehensive account of the internal dynamics of power-sharing across various and varied cases. See Cheeseman, 'Internal Dynamics of Power-Sharing'. 12. Lemarchand: 'Consociationalism and Power Sharing in Africa', 2. 13. Cheeseman, 'Internal Dynamics of Power-Sharing', 338. 14. According to Mehler, 'the best bets are Burundi (2003), Liberia (2003), Sudan (2005) and Côte d'Ivoire (2007)'. See Mehler Mehler, Andreas. 2009. Peace and Power Sharing in Africa: A Not So Obvious Relationship. African Affairs, 108(432): 453–473. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa', 462. 15. Spears, 'Africa: The Limits of Power-Sharing'; Williams Williams, Paul D. 2007. Thinking about Security in Africa. International Affairs, 83(6): 1021–1038. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Thinking about Security in Africa'. 16. Spears, 'Africa: The Limits of Power-Sharing', 125. 17. Cheeseman, 'Internal Dynamics of Power-Sharing', 339–340. 18. Spears, 'Africa: The Limits of Power-Sharing', 127. 19. Tull and Mehler Tull, Denis M. and Mehler, Andreas. 2005. The Hidden Costs of Power-Sharing: Reproducing Insurgent Violence in Africa. African Affairs, 104(416): 375–398. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Hidden Costs of Power-Sharing', 376. 20. Tull and Mehler Tull, Denis M. and Mehler, Andreas. 2005. The Hidden Costs of Power-Sharing: Reproducing Insurgent Violence in Africa. African Affairs, 104(416): 375–398. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Hidden Costs of Power-Sharing', 376 According to Tull and Mehler, this logic was at work over the past 15 years in Burundi, Rwanda, the DRC, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte d'Ivoire, Sudan, Central African Republic and Chad. 21. Cheeseman and Tendi, 'Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective', 1219. 22. Cheeseman and Tendi, 'Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective', 1219, 225. 23. Langer Langer, Arnim. 2005. Horizontal Inequalities and Violent Group Mobilization in Côte d'Ivoire. Oxford Devlopment Studies, 33(1): 25–45. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar], 'Horizontal Inequalities', 30–31. 24. For an examination of the relationship between migration and conflict in the cocoa regions in Côte d'Ivoire, see, for example, Boone Boone, Catherine. 1995. The Social Origins of Ivorian Exceptionalism: Rural Society and State Formation. Comparative Politics, 27(4): 445–463. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Social Origins of Ivoirian Exceptionalism'; Chauveau Chauveau, Jean-Pierre. 2000. Question Foncière et Construction Nationale en Côte d'Ivoire: Les Enjeux Silencieux d'un Coup d'état [The Land Tenure Question in Côte d'Ivoire: A Lesson in History]. Politique Africaine, 78(juin): 94–125. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], 'Question Foncière'; Marshall-Fratani Marshall-Fratani, Ruth. 2006. 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Piccolino echoes this point, as she states that '[f]or Gbagbo and the elite surrounding him, France's impartiality was neither acceptable nor credible, and France's decision not to activate the defence agreements between the two countries amounted to a betrayal'. See Piccolino Piccolino, Giulia. 2012. David Against Goliath in Côte d'Ivoire? Laurent Gbagbo's War Against Global Governance. African Affairs, 111(442): 1–23. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'David against Goliath in Côte d'Ivoire?', 7. 34. The Linas-Marcoussis Agreement outlined an exhaustive list of concerns addressing a wide range of issues on disarmament, security sector reform, human rights violations and media incitement to xenophobia and violence, the organisation and supervision of elections, and measures to end divisive policies on national identification, citizenship, foreign nationals, land tenure and eligibility for the presidency. See ICG International Crisis Group (ICG). 2003. "Côte d'Ivoire: "The War is Not Yet Over". In Africa Report, no. 72, Brussels: ICG. [Google Scholar], 'War is Not Yet Over'. 35. Mehler, 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa', 462. 36. Chirot, 'Debacle in Côte d'Ivoire', 72. 37. ICG, 'War is Not yet Over'. 38. Mehler, 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa', 466. 39. Mehler, 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa',466 40. Cheeseman, 'Internal Dynamics of Power-Sharing', 340–341. 41. Cheeseman reiterates this point in the following quote: 'Take Cote d'Ivoire. The main protagonists in the country's slide into civil war—Alassane Ouattara, Laurent Gbagbo, Henri Konan Bédié and General Gueï—entered into a number of different marriages of convenience following the death of President Houphouët-Boigny in 1993. While on the face of it these alliances suggest a high level of elite coherence, they were typically designed not to be inclusive of the full range of elite interests, but rather to exclude and so marginalize a mutually feared rival. Furthermore, these coalitions were generally short-lived and often ended in acrimony, and thus did not contribute to the evolution of norms of mutual accommodation. Consequently, Cote d'Ivoire is best understood as a case of low elite cohesion'. Cheeseman, 'Internal Dynamics of Power-Sharing', 340–341, 342. 42. Marshall-Fratani, 'War of "Who is Who"'. 43. Yabi and Goodwin Yabi, Gilles and Goodwin, Andrew. 2009. "From Linas-Marcoussis to the Ouagadougou Political Agreement: The Tortuous and Open-Ended Peace Agreement". In From Civil Strife to Peace Building: Examining Private Sector Involvement in West African Reconstruction, Edited by: Besada, H. 17–32. Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. [Google Scholar], 'Linas-Marcoussis to Ouagadougou', 19. 44. Yabi and Goodwin Yabi, Gilles and Goodwin, Andrew. 2009. "From Linas-Marcoussis to the Ouagadougou Political Agreement: The Tortuous and Open-Ended Peace Agreement". In From Civil Strife to Peace Building: Examining Private Sector Involvement in West African Reconstruction, Edited by: Besada, H. 17–32. Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. [Google Scholar], 'Linas-Marcoussis to Ouagadougou", 19, 20. 45. Bah Bah, Abu Bakarr. 2010. Democracy and Civil War: Citizenship and Peacemaking in Côte d'Ivoire. African Affairs, 109(437): 597–615. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Democracy and Civil War', 609. 46. ICG International Crisis Group (ICG). 2007. "Côte d'Ivoire: Can the Ouagadougou Agreement Bring Peace?". In Africa Report, no. 127, Brussels: ICG. [Google Scholar], 'Can the Ouagadougou Agreement Bring Peace'. 47. Mehler, 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa', 459. 48. Yabi and Goodwin, 'Linas-Marcoussis to Ouagadougou', 21–22. 49. Bah, 'Democracy and Civil War', 613. 50. Bah, 'Democracy and Civil War', 613, 614. 51. ICG International Crisis Group (ICG). 2009. "Côte d'Ivoire: What's Needed to End the Crisis?". In Policy Briefing: Africa Briefing, no. 62, Brussels: ICG. [Google Scholar], 'What's Needed to End the Crisis?'. 52. ICG International Crisis Group (ICG). 2008. "Côte d'Ivoire: Ensuring Credible Elections". In Africa Report, no. 139, Brussels: ICG. [Google Scholar], 'Ensuring Credible Elections'. 53. Yabi and Goodwin, 'Linas-Marcoussis to Ouagadougou', 22. 54. ICG, 'Ensuring Credible Elections'. 55. Bah, 'Democracy and Civil War', 614. 56. Spears, 'Understanding Inclusive Peace Agreements in Africa', 111. 57. Yabi and Goodwin, 'Linas-Marcoussis to Ouagadougou', 21. 58. Bah, 'Democracy and Civil War', 609. Piccolino draws the same conclusion, arguing that a 'sense of "fatigue"' was in all likelihood an important factor in explaining the widespread and rapid acceptance of direct dialogue. See Piccolino, 'David against Goliath in Côte d'Ivoire?', 19. 59. Mehler, 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa'. 60. McGovern provides an excellent discussion about the salience of these discourses in contemporary Ivoirian politics and society. See McGovern McGovern, Mike. 2011. Making War in Côte d'Ivoire, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], Making War in Côte d'Ivoire. 61. Bah, 'Democracy and Civil War', 599. For a detailed analysis on the importance of citizenship in the Ivoirian crisis, see Marshall-Fratani, 'War of "Who is Who"'. 62. ICG International Crisis Group (ICG). 2010. "Côte d'Ivoire: Finally Escaping the Crisis?". In Africa Briefing, no. 77, Brussels: ICG. [Google Scholar], 'Finally Escaping the Crisis?'. 63. UNOCI UNOCI, 2010. 'Statement on the Certification of the Result of the Second Round of the Presidential Election Held on 28 November 2010 by Y.J. Choi, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Côte d'Ivoire'. 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Piccolino, 'David against Goliath in Côte d'Ivoire?', 21. 73. Mehler, 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa', 472. 74. For an interesting study on the role of neutrality in forging peace agreements, see Svensson Svensson, Isak. 2009. Who Brings Which Peace?: Neutral versus Biased Mediation and Institutional Peace Arrangements in Civil Wars. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 53(3): 446–469. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Who Brings Which Peace?'. Svensson finds that biased mediation processes are more likely than neutral mediation processes to lead to elaborated institutional peace arrangements such as power-sharing. This obviously runs counter to the Ivoirian case. 75. Falleti and Lynch Falleti, Tulia G. and Lynch, Julia F. 2009. Context and Causal Mechanisms in Political Analysis. Comparative Political Studies, 42(9): 1143–1166. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 'Context and Causal Mechanisms', 1151. 76. 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