Women and Peace Building

What We Can Learn From the Arusha Peace Agreement

Bibliographic Data

ID5853887
AuthorsUstina Dolgopol
Year2006
Volume21
Issue50
Pages257-273
Publication date2006-07-01
Peer ReviewedYes
Open AccessNo
TypeARTICLE
VenueAustralian Feminist Studies (JOURNAL)
Journal identifiersISSN: 1321-7568 • E-ISSN: 1465-3303
PublisherInforma UK Limited (PUBLISHER • GB)
DOI10.1080/08164640600731804
OpenAlexW1763722439
LanguageEN
Citations received4
References cited4

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. For a description of the problems inherent in the process of changing the mentality and methods of operation of ‘warlords’ into promoters of peace see Gordon Peake, Cathy Gormley-Heenan, and Mari Fitzduff (2004). 2. To some extent this view is based on a belief that the population has to take control of the process and that many issues should be left for the transitional period. See, for example, the Report of Committee IV, Appendix 1 to the Arusha Peace Agreement. There is also a fear that too much intervention could be considered to have neo-colonial overtones. See Jacob S. Kreilkamp (2003 Kreilkamp, Jacob S. 2003. ‘Junior fellows’ note: UN post conflict reconstruction. New York University Journal of International Law and Politics, 35: 619–70. [Google Scholar]). 3. See Kevin P. Clements (2006 Clements , Kevin P. 2006 . The causes and prevention of violent conflict . In The challenge of conflict: International Law Responds , edited by Ustinia Dolgopol and Judith Gardam . International Humanitarian Law Series, 13 . Leiden and Boston : Martinus Nijhoff . [Google Scholar]), who observes that the most likely predictor of conflict is a recent conflict. 4. David Rieff, in describing the Bosnian crisis, observes that Sadako Ogata (then High Commissioner for Refugees) was ‘the one entirely admirable senior figure in a landscape otherwise dotted with failed or superannuated politicians serving as international negotiators’ (quoted by Brian Urquhart 2005 Urquhart , Brian . 2005 . Humanitarianism is not enough . New York Review of Books , 26 May : 27 . [Google Scholar], 27). See also Eric Blanchard (2003), who observes: ‘Feminists in [international relations] IR argue that realism, dominated by elite, white, male practitioners, is a patriarchal discourse that renders women invisible from the high politics of IR even as it depends on women's subjugation as a ‘“domesticated’ figure whose ‘feminine’ sensibilities are both at odds with and inconsequential to the harsh ‘realities’ of the public world of men and states.” ... Feminists in IR explain the exclusion of women from foreign policy decision making by pointing to the “extent to which international politics is such a thoroughly masculinized sphere of activity that women's voices are considered inauthentic”.’ 5. See the UNHCR report Respect our Rights, Partnerships for Equality—Report on the Dialogue with Refugee Women (2001b Unhcr. 2001b. Respect our rights: Partnerships for equality—Report on the dialogue with refugee women, Geneva: UNHCR. [Google Scholar]); and the ICRC's report Addressing the Needs of Women Affected by Armed Conflict (2004 International Committee Of The Red Cross (ICRC). 2004. Addressing the needs of women affected by armed conflict, Geneva: ICRC. [Google Scholar]). 6. See particularly Wright (2001, Chap. 2). 7. The Secretary-General does note that there have been significant improvements in the gender balance in peacekeeping operations, with more gender advisers being appointed, better training for participants, improved consultation with local women's groups and an enhanced ability to meet needs on the ground. 8. See Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations, 21 August 2000 Report Of The Panel On United Nations Peace Operations (21 August 2000) as reported in 39 ILM 1432 ( 2000 ). [Google Scholar], as reported in 39 ILM 1432 (2000) at pages 1434–35 and 1441–42 for a discussion of the various phases of the peace process. Although useful and at times insightful, the report itself highlights the difficulty of keeping gender at the forefront of the peace process. Little mention is made of the gender issues in the promotion of peace or in the establishment of a human rights framework. To their credit, the authors do refer to the necessity of equitable gender distribution in positions of leadership in peacekeeping missions (see p. 1436). See also Chinkin (2003) for a general discussion of the ongoing failure to include women in the various phases of the peace process. 9. For a description of the Burundian peace process see Ikaweba Bunting, B. Mwansasu and Walter Bgoya (n.d.), accessible through the website of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation (http://www.nyererefoundation.or.tz/research/centre.htm). With respect to exiles, comments made by the Nyerere Foundation are instructive. 10. See also comments about the parties’ initial inability to communicate with one another in Bunting, Mwansasu, and Walter (n.d.). 11. The 2004 Secretary-General's report on the Implementation of Resolution 1325 highlights this problem. Without a systematic gender analysis reconstruction efforts are unlikely to identify or address ‘issues such as land, property and inheritance rights, health, education, employment or security concerns (Report of the Secretary-General, Women and Peace and Security 2004, 13). 12. On this topic see Andrew Goldsmith (2006 Goldsmith , Andrew . 2006 . Policing after conflict: Peace-building and the responsibility to protect) . In The Challenge of Conflict: International Law Responds , edited by Ustinia Dolgopol and Judith Gardam . International Humanitarian Law Series, 13 . Leiden and Boston : Martinus Nijhoff . [Google Scholar]) and Christophe Dongmo (2006 Dongmo , Christophe . 2006 . Collective identity and the construction of political markets in Africa . In The challenge of conflict: International law responds , edited by Ustinia Dolgopol and Judith Gardam . International Humanitarian Law Series, 13 . Leiden and Boston : Martinus Nijhoff . [Google Scholar]). 13. See also Betty A. Reardon (1985 Reardon, Betty A. 1985. Sexism and the war system, New York: Teachers College Press. [Google Scholar], 5) and the Report of the Secretary-General, Women and Peace and Security (2004) noting that significant increases in gender discrimination may be an early warning sign of conflict. 14. Burundi had been colonised by Germany. Belgium was given administrative power over the country under a League of Nations mandate. See Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, Article 2(1) and International Crisis Group International Crisis Group . n.d Conflict history: Burundi . Available from http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm (accessed 14 September 2005) . [Google Scholar], Conflict History: Burundi (http://www.crisisgroup.or/home) (accessed 14 September 2005). 15. See the Arusha Agreement, Article 2, and Tony Jackson (2000 Jackson, Tony. 2000. Equal access to education: A peace imperative for Burundi, London: International Alert. [Google Scholar]). 16. See the Special Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Operation in Burundi (2005 Special Report Of The Secretary-General On The United Nations Operation In Burundi , S/2005/586 (14 September 2005) . [Google Scholar]) and the Fifth Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Operation in Burundi (2005). 17. See World Bank Group World Bank Group . Available from http://webworlbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/BURUNDI ( accessed 27 May 2005 ). [Google Scholar], Country Brief (http://webworlbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/BURUNDI) (accessed 27 May 2005). 18. See also page 13 of the report where the government notes that women's status ‘has long been determined by their role as wives and mothers. ... Women [continue to] express themselves by delegation.’ 19. At secondary level, there is an expectation that girls will undertake domestic work and there may also be an expectation that they will marry. A factor affecting all enrolments, but with particular hardship for girls, is the small amount of infrastructure for secondary-level education, with only 10 per cent of those taking the entry exams being admitted. Traditional attitudes to girls means parents prefer to educate male children. 20. As discussed above, this situation has not changed. 21. In 1998 women held only 3.4 per cent of political posts (Initial Reports of State Parties—Burundi 2000, 16–17). This was the same period during which the peace agreements were being negotiated. Further, women were under-represented in trade unions and other bodies engaged in improving working conditions. (Initial Reports of State Parties—Burundi 2000, 25). 22. The government estimated that 30 per cent of the health infrastructure had been destroyed. One clear indicator of the decline in the standard of health care was the maternal mortality rate. In 1993 this was 445 per 100,000 live births. By 1997 this had increased to 826 deaths per 100,000 live births (Initial Reports of State Parties—Burundi 2000, 29). The decimated health sector is also trying to cope with the effects of the AIDS pandemic. See Initial Reports of State Parties—Burundi (2000, 30). The extent of the destruction of the country's infrastructure is also detailed in Annex IV to the Arusha Agreement; see Annex IV, Report of Committee IV, Chapter II. 23. Whether or not the commitments contained in the peace agreement will be carried out remains to be seen. UNHCR itself noted that the inclusion of recommendations does not ensure that they will be implanted (2001a, 13). For a brief overview of recent developments see below. 24. Simultaneously resources were provided to the women who had participated at the All-party Women's Conference in order to improve their understanding of their rights and the commonality of issues such as poverty and access to land (UNHCR 2001, 13–14). 25. Resources were provided to the women to allow them to hold meetings with their constituents so that grassroots participation could continue. 26. For a copy of the Arusha Agreement see http://www.usip.org/library/pa/burundi/pa_burundi_08282000.html. The Peace and Reconciliation Agreement was signed on 28 August 2000. 27. Arusha Agreement (http://www.usip.org/library/pa/burundi/pa_burundi_08282000.html) (accessed 27 June 2005) at page 2. 28. See the Arusha Agreement's Protocol I, Nature of the Burundi Conflict, Problems of Genocide and Exclusion and their Solutions (http://www.usip.org/library/pa/burundi/pa_burundi_08282000_pr1.html). 29. Section 3.6, Annex IV, Report of Committee IV. 30. In this context, it is important to note the observations of the Secretary-General with respect to warning signs of conflict, namely that there is a correlation between increased gender discrimination and resort to armed conflict (Report of the Secretary-General, Women and Peace and Security 2004). 31. See Section 2.5.2.2 of Appendix I, Part II of the Arusha Agreement for a description of the Committee's views about the ‘tangible’ actions needed to advance the position of women. 32. The report also notes that ‘[m]ore than 90 percent of Burundi's women live in rural areas’ (Initial Reports of States Parties—Burundi 2000, 35). 33. Initial Reports of State Parties—Burundi (2000, 36). 34. Similarly, women's search for opportunities in the cash economy mentioned in the CEDAW report (see Initial Reports of State Parties—Burundi 2000, 33) does not feature in the discussion in the agreement with respect to the need to change the focus of the economy from one that is essentially rural to one that operates on a cash basis. See Annex IV, Arusha Agreement, Annex IV, Report of Committee IV. 35. See Article 1, Arusha Agreement for Burundi, Protocol IV, Reconstruction and Development. 36. If such a step had been taken, then it would have been necessary also to deliberate upon the position of women vis-à-vis other family members who would have considered themselves to be the rightful owners based on the country's existing inheritance laws. 37. In devising a solution, account would have had to have been taken of the number of child-headed households and the fact that girl children would be doubly disadvantaged as a result of both their age and gender. 38. For a description of the problems that women face reintegrating into their communities after having been subjected to sexual violence, see Réseau des Femmes pour un Développement Associatif et al. (2005

Bosnian · Colonialism · International law · Intervention (counseling · Political science · Politics · Population · Refugee · Sociology · Gender Politics and Representation · Gender, Security, and Conflict · Historical and Contemporary Political Dynamics · Psychology · Demography · History · Law · Philosophy

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