Category-Sensitive Escape from Islands in Limbum and Asante Twi
Datos Bibliográficos
| ID | 5900972 |
|---|---|
| Autores | Johannes Hein (0000-0002-3445-8197) |
| Año | 2024 |
| Volumen | 9 |
| Número | 10 |
| Páginas | 317 |
| Fecha de publicación | 2024-09-30 |
| Peer Reviewed | Sí |
| Open Access | Sí |
| Tipo | ARTICLE |
| Revista | Languages (JOURNAL) |
| Identificadores de la revista | ISSN: 2226-471X • E-ISSN: 2226-471X |
| Editorial | MDPI AG (PUBLISHER • IT) |
| DOI | 10.3390/languages9100317 |
| OpenAlex | W4402990433 |
| Idioma | EN |
| Citas recibidas | 3 |
| Referencias citadas | 84 |
While strong islands generally constitute domains from which extraction is not possible, it has been observed that under certain conditions, they may allow DP but not PP gaps. Based on the recent literature on Asante Twi (Kwa, Ghana) and on novel data from Limbum (Grassfields Bantu, Cameroon), this paper shows that strong island configurations in these two African languages are permeable to nominal extractees without restrictions, but the otherwise admissible movement of VPs and PPs is blocked. As DP-displacement from islands shows properties of A ̄-movement; an explanation in terms of base-generation and binding of a covert resumptive pronoun, which is only available for nominal elements, is not feasible. Taking into account the overall distribution of overt and covert resumptive pronouns, for Asante Twi, an account of the selective island permeability in terms of repair by resumption, as suggested in previous literature, might be possible. For the Limbum pattern, however, this paper argues that such an approach seems implausible. It then goes on to develop an analysis of selective island permeability based on the distribution of φ-features and their interaction with complementizer agreement
Geography · Language, Discourse, Communication Strategies · Multilingual Education and Policy · Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation · History
Phi Theory
The Blackwell Companion to Syntax
The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition
Morphosyntax of Verb Movement
Linearization of Chains and Sideward Movement
Ken Hale
Islands and Chains
The Syntax of Silence
Agreement and Its Failures
The Syntax of Agreement and Concord
Parasitic gaps
Person–number agreement on clause linking markers in Mande
Variables and the Bijection Principle
Missing persons
Island effects in parsing and grammar
There is only one way to agree
Agreement in Comp
A derivational ellipsis approach to ATB-movement
Move Wh in a Language Without Wh Movement
Wh-movement and specificity
Resumption in Relative Clauses
Complementizer agreement is clitic doubling
The distribution of phi-features in pronouns
Epithets
On the grammar of extraction and coordination
Tonal reflexes of movement in Asante Twi
Restrictive relatives in modern Hebrew
C-Agree is local subject-verb agreement in Kipsigis
Resumptive Pronouns in Relative Clauses
Raising, unphased
Pronoun copying in Dinka Bor and the Copy Theory of Movement
Resumption in Igbo
Indirect agree in Lubukusu complementizer agreement
Condition C in German A′-movement
The Absence of Islands in Akan
Absence of Clausal Islands in Shupamem
On the Absence of Certain Island Effects in Mende
Reconstruction, Binding Theory, and the Interpretation of Chains
Intermediate Adjunction with A-Movement
Chain Resolution In Hebrew V(P)-fronting
Rethinking Scope Islands
Attraction at a Distance
Complementizer Agreement and the Relation between C0and T0
Parasitic gaps, resumptive pronouns, and subject extractions
Phase Edge and Extraction
E-Type Anaphora as NP-Deletion
Resumptive Pronouns Can Ameliorate Illicit Island Extractions
Salvation by Deletion in Nupe
Resumptive Pronouns and Competition
Some Interface Properties of the Phase
Two Types of Resumptive Pronouns in Swahili
Checking Up on (φ-)Agree
An Experimental Comparison of the Availability of Inverse Scope in English and German
Rethinking Complementizer Agreement
On Asymmetries Between Parasitic Gap and Across-the-board Constructions
Not Moving Clauses
Delayed Valuation
Contrast and Island Sensitivity in Clausal Ellipsis
Lexical signaling of information structure in Akan
Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the Copy Theory of Movement
Resumption, Movement, and Derivational Economy
Resumptive Restrictive Relatives
| Obras citantes distintas | 3 |
|---|---|
| Citas por año | 1,5 |
| Intervalo de citas | 2024 - 2026 (3) |
| Velocidad de citación | current |
| Altamente citado | No |
| Tipos de cita | Neutras: 3 |