Conclusion

Faced with a movement that brought together many different demands and hopes and that proceeded on such a vast scale, it is very difficult to make all-encompassing determinations. Therefore, although we postulate from the angle of analyses of symbols that this movement fell within the "patriotic-student-movement" model, making such a judgment is biased due to the other tendencies and actions that were manifested. These were demands in behalf of freedom of assembly and freedom of the press, the liberal ideas represented by the June 2 Hunger Strike Manifesto, the demands for democratic processes to convene the National People's Congress to protect the constitution, and the awakening of urban residents' awareness. This is especially the case if we consider that such things as "setting up independent trade unions" would never have been possible, were it not for the presence of the 1989 "patriotic democratic" movement, since the Communists, in their rule over society, lack any form of "institutional" communication with heterodox opinions or any conditions for reaching compromises. Furthermore, the punitive eradicate-the-weeds-by-their-roots measures consistently exercised by the Communist rulers toward independent organizations and dissident organizations would have sufficed to deter any persons with such intentions from making their intentions known without the presence of the rhetoric and symbols of 1989

Aesthetics · Communism · Constitution · Democracy · Fell · Law and economics · Manifesto · Movement (music) · Political economy · Political science · Punitive damages · Rhetoric · Sociology · Communism, Protests, Social Movements · Law · Vietnamese History and Culture Studies