Visegrad
Fit for purpose
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 6180716 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Rick Fawn (0000-0003-1903-8773, School of International Relations, University of St. Andrews, Scotland, United Kingdom, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2013 |
| Volume | 46 |
| Issue | 3 |
| Pages | 339-349 |
| Publication date | 2013-09-01 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Communist and Post-Communist Studies (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 0967-067X • E-ISSN: 1873-6920 |
| Publisher | University of California Press (PUBLISHER • US) |
| DOI | 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.06.004 |
| OpenAlex | W2000344825 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 10 |
| References cited | 8 |
Visegrad inter-state cooperation among the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia has faced numerous near-death experiences since its official birth in 1991. Furthermore, it has faced two challenges since the four member-countries’ accession to the EU in 2004. Then Visegrad was eulogized, considered deceased by many precisely for having achieved the apparently ultimate aim of EU membership. Second, having purposefully stated rumours of its death, Visegrad has since 2008 been confronted by issues from outside and ones well beyond its size – the Obama presidency and its apparent abandonment of Central and Eastern Europe in its “reset” strategy towards Moscow; a post-Lisbon EU agenda; strategic reorientations in NATO; and both the general, that is, global, financial crisis and particularly within the EU and regarding the Euro. This article, by contrast, contends that the fundamental changes and challenges that Visegrad has faced enhanced the Group’s clear and successful strategy. It identifies and elaborates that strategy, drawing also selectively and thematically on the Group’s historical experience since 1991. These strategies include targeted rather than broad selection of aims; retaining an exclusivemembership while also inventing variable and flexible mechanisms for adding non-member countries to help them pursue specific initiatives. Through a study of annual Group Presidency agendas and reports, high-level and ministerial meeting declarations and media and secondary source analysis and interviews with National Coordinators, the article contends that the Group continues to promote realistic aims, and provides a unique platform for exercising them. This study concludes that Visegrad, despite the outside challenges remains effective in raising awareness, advancing smaller-scale policies and influencing EU policy towards theWestern Balkans and European Partnership (EaP) countries, as well as achieving specific Visegrad initiatives with those states
Accession · Business · Czech · Economic policy · European union · Member state · Member states · Political economy · Political science · Politics · Presidency · Sociology · Cross-Border Cooperation and Integration · European Politics and Security · European Union Policy and Governance · Law · Public Administration
Four Modes of Subregional Actorness in the EU
EU transnational coalitions in polycrisis
Dysfunctional advocates? analysis of the Visegrad Group positions on the enlargement policy of the EU (2014–2025)
The stigmatisation of Central Europe via (failed) socialisation narrative
Visegrad and Ukraine since Maidan 2013–2014 and the Russian Invasion of 2022
Les enfants terribles de l’Europe? The ‘Sovereigntist’ Role of the Visegrád Group in the Context of the Migration Crisis
Semi-periphery regionalisms in a changing world order
The Czech Republic’s approach to the EU 2030 climate and energy framework
Postfunctionalism, Identity and the Visegrad Group
Entrepreneurial attitudes as a counterweight to democratic backsliding
| Unique citing works | 10 |
|---|---|
| Citations per year | 1,43 |
| Citation span | 2019 - 2026 (8) |
| Citation velocity | current |
| Highly cited | No |
| Citation types | Neutral: 10 |