Voter incompetence and the legitimacy of representative democracy
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 6420973 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Andreas Christiansen (0000-0001-7187-4520, University of Copenhagen, corresponding author) |
| Year | 2023 |
| Volume | 28 |
| Issue | 6 |
| Pages | 927-956 |
| Publication date | 2023-05-25 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | No |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 1369-8230 • E-ISSN: 1743-8772 |
| Publisher | Taylor & Francis (PUBLISHER • GB) |
| DOI | 10.1080/13698230.2023.2214468 |
| OpenAlex | W4378214085 |
| Language | EN |
| References cited | 40 |
Ever since its inception, democracy has been subjected to the objection that ordinary citizens are not fit to rule. I discuss and criticize the most influential contemporary version of this argument, due to Jason Brennan, according to which democracy is illegitimate because voters are incompetent. I accept two core premises of Brennan’s argument – that legitimacy requires competence, and that voters are incompetent (in the sense of competence Brennan accepts) – but reject the conclusion that representative democracy is illegitimate. I show that the argument can be interpreted as making two different claims: (1) That the democratic policymaking process as a whole is incompetent, and democratic policies therefore illegitimate; (2) that only democratic elections are incompetent, which either (a) makes democratic policies illegitimate or (b) makes elections themselves illegitimate. Each of these claims is false: (1) is false because voter incompetence does not taint the policymaking process sufficiently; (2a) is false because incompetent elections do not imply that policies made post-election are illegitimate; and (2b) is false because electoral decisions are not the kinds of things that can be illegitimate in the appropriate way. Finally, I address three potential criticisms of my defense of democracy: (i) that I set the bar for voters’ performance too low, (ii) that the representative democracy I defend is not really democratic, and (iii) that Brennan’s argument is an argument for replacing democracy with epistocracy, rather than for the illegitimacy of representative democracy
Argument (complex analysis · Democracy · Law and economics · Legitimacy · Political science · Politics · Sociology · Electoral Systems and Political Participation · Law · Political Philosophy and Ethics · Populism, Right-Wing Movements
Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences
Public Opinion, Public Policy, and Democracy
Understanding Public Policy
Collective Preferences in Democratic Politics
An Epistemic Theory of Democracy
The Politically Motivated Reasoning Paradigm, Part 1
On the People's Terms
Against Democracy
The Semi-Sovereign Public
Collective Wisdom
Democracy for Realists
Affluence and Influence
The Impact of Public Opinion on Public Policy
Political Communication in Media Society
Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy
The Authority of Democracy
Deliberation, cognitive diversity, and democratic inclusiveness
Are knowledgeable voters better voters
Public Opinion and American Democracy
Defending Democracy
Public Opinion and Policy Representation
Against Elections
Testing Theories of American Politics
A Theory of Political Parties
Party government and policy responsiveness. Evidence from three parliamentary democracies
Accountability for Realists
Democratic Reason
Voter Heterogeneity
From Mass Preferences to Policy
Uninformed Votes
Leadership and Pandering
The Democratic Deficit in the States
Participatory Democracy Revisited
One size doesn't fit all
The Devil Shift
Between Facts and Norms
| Citation velocity | historical |
|---|---|
| Highly cited | No |