One, Two, Three, Four, Five, Once I Caught a Fish Alive
Numerical Phrases in Child and Adult Heritage Russian
Bibliographic Data
| ID | 7328233 |
|---|---|
| Authors | Natan Meir (0000-0001-9426-811X, Bar-Ilan University, corresponding author), Maria Polinsky (0000-0003-1460-5089, University of Maryland, College Park) |
| Year | 2024 |
| Volume | 9 |
| Issue | 8 |
| Pages | 261-261 |
| Publication date | 2024-07-28 |
| Peer Reviewed | Yes |
| Open Access | Yes |
| Type | ARTICLE |
| Venue | Languages (JOURNAL) |
| Journal identifiers | ISSN: 2226-471X • E-ISSN: 2226-471X |
| Publisher | MDPI AG (PUBLISHER • IT) |
| DOI | 10.3390/languages9080261 |
| OpenAlex | W4401075546 |
| Language | EN |
| Citations received | 1 |
| References cited | 43 |
This paper investigates the production of numerically-quantified phrases (NQPs) by monolingual and bilingual speakers of Russian, with Hebrew as the dominant language for the latter group. Russian NQPs exhibit a complex system of noun forms, distinguishing between singular (odin gorod ‘one city’), paucal (dva goroda ‘two cities’), and plural (pjat’ gorodov ‘five cities’); the endings of paucal and plural nouns vary depending on nominal declension class, which in turn correlates with gender. Adult and child bilinguals dominant in Hebrew (n = 37 and n = 27, respectively) were compared to monolingual Russian-speaking controls (n = 21 and n = 20, respectively). Production data were collected using a numeral-noun elicitation task, which involved eliciting 24 numerical phrases manipulated for gender (masculine, feminine) and number (paucal, plural). Compared to the monolingual controls, the bilinguals showed lower accuracy, with oversuppliance of nominative plural endings and overtly marked genitive plural endings. These non-target responses indicate the reliance on default forms and phonetically salient inflections, confirming that these factors influence non-target attainment in bilingual (heritage) grammars. The amount of exposure to Russian (as measured by age of bilingualism onset and proficiency) influenced performance significantly, underscoring the role of input in shaping bilingual grammars. The production of NQPs by Hebrew-dominant Russian speakers was similar to that by English-dominant Russian speakers as reported in previous studies, which may appear surprising given that Hebrew is characterized by richer morphology than English, and that may play a role in the maintenance of morphology in the weaker language. We offer some considerations for this lack of effect
Genitive case · Hebrew · Linguistics · Neuroscience of multilingualism · Noun · Plural · History · Language Development and Disorders · Neurobiology of Language and Bilingualism · Philosophy · Psychology · Reading and Literacy Development
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Reanalysis in Adult Heritage Language
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Fitting Linear Mixed-Effects Models Using lme4
Development of Nominal Inflection in First Language Acquisition
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Israeli Russian
Lexical production and innovation in child and adult Russian Heritage speakers dominant in English and Hebrew
Syntactic restructuring in heritage grammars
The acquisition of the weaker language
Grammatical gender in Spanish child heritage speakers
Restructuring in heritage grammars
Understanding the nature and outcomes of early bilingualism
Effects of parental input quality in child heritage language acquisition
A long birth
Lesser-Studied Heritage Languages
Age of Onset of Bilingualism, Language Use, and the Volitional Subjunctive in Heritage Learners of Spanish
Lost in Between
Gender Under Incomplete Acquisition
Neutralization of gender distinctions in Modern Hebrew numerals
A network of allostructions
Input effects across domains
Cross-linguistic influence meets diminished input
Case, prequantifiers, and discontinuous agreement in Russian
Case Marking Variation in Heritage Slavic Languages in Toronto
Processing morphological ambiguity
Case, Concord and the Emergence of Default
Language history on fast forward
Heritage languages and their speakers
| Unique citing works | 1 |
|---|---|
| Citations per year | 1 |
| Citation span | 2026 - 2026 (1) |
| Citation velocity | current |
| Highly cited | No |